I feel that Facebook is too crammed with end-of-year nostalgic statuses, so I'll post mine here. Much of my life for the past 365 days, anyway, had something to do with writing and Kulaman Plateau.
Let's start with the best thing that happened to me. I think it's coming back home and writing a draft of a novel. Yes, that's right. I'm stating it publicly for the first time. I'm writing a novel. I know I'm supposed to be humble about it. I'm supposed to put the word novel in quotation marks or use the word attempt somewhere in the sentence. But what the heck. Wringing out one hundred thousand words from my brain was a difficult thing to do, regardless of the quality of those words, so allow me to congratulate myself.
The novel is primarily set in Cotabato City and about the sultanate of Maguindanao, but because there's a dearth of research materials about the subject and I have to use whatever I have, a significant part of the story has something to do with Kulaman Plateau. I still need a lot of revisions and polishing to do, and where the manuscript will go (hopefully not in a recycle bin or at the bottom of a slush pile) is something I look forward to in 2015.
Update: This post was not finished because the power went out. The local electric cooperative has been behaving badly after Christmas. Perhaps it already got its present from Santa and no longer cares about the naughty-or-nice list. But of course I'm not surprised that this is happening. Here in the boondocks, you're supposed to endure a lot of hardships.
Wednesday, December 31, 2014
Monday, December 29, 2014
The Maguindanao and Their Polity
Maguindanaoan polity is hierarchical. It takes root from several influences—Malay, Hindu and Arabic—that pervade the sultanate structure.
There are three major offices that follow a tripartite rotation of succession to the sultanate. The Sultan (head of realm); Rajah Muda (heir apparent) and Watamama (male ward) is the core of the nobility in the Maguindanao dynasty.
The Amirul Umara (Admiral), Midted sa Inged (Superintendent of the polity), Datu Shabandar (Duty Collection Officer) and Umar Maya of the first rank are noble officials with territorial districts. The Maharajah Laila, Maharajah Adinda, Maturajah and Mudabpel are the non-noble courtiers of the second rank order.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the fourth part of an eight-part series on the Maguindanao people. Each part is posted every Monday starting December 8, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
There are three major offices that follow a tripartite rotation of succession to the sultanate. The Sultan (head of realm); Rajah Muda (heir apparent) and Watamama (male ward) is the core of the nobility in the Maguindanao dynasty.
The Amirul Umara (Admiral), Midted sa Inged (Superintendent of the polity), Datu Shabandar (Duty Collection Officer) and Umar Maya of the first rank are noble officials with territorial districts. The Maharajah Laila, Maharajah Adinda, Maturajah and Mudabpel are the non-noble courtiers of the second rank order.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the fourth part of an eight-part series on the Maguindanao people. Each part is posted every Monday starting December 8, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
Monday, December 22, 2014
The Maguindanao and Their Economy
By hunting and gathering, the forest provided the Maguindanaos of Bagumbayan with food. This was before the flourishing of agriculture as the community’s main economic activity. From the forest came supplies of timber for settlements, and the wild animals, fruits and root crops for food.
In sustaining the community, the natives later practiced the method of traditional swidden agriculture as an efficient and reliable method of farming. They were able to thoroughly identify suitable areas for farming that can have several croppings in a season.
To ensure and retain the productivity of the land, the natives transfer from one farm land to another, leaving and allowing the cultivated land to regain its nutrients. The fallow method provided the natives abundant and uninterrupted source of farm products, and nurtured the environment’s potentials.
The Maguindanaos highly regard the wisdom imparted by early ancestors pertaining to land ownership and utilization. For the Maguindanao, land is priceless and every creature depends on it. No one can own land, but one has the responsibility to sustain its beauty and essence. Thus, early ancestors did not believe in land titles to determine ownership of land, but relied on its utilization as a common source of life.
In earlier times, barter trading flourished among Manobo and Maguindanaon ancestors. Tuka (now a barangay of Bagumbayan) was an ancestral trading center known endemically as Tabo. It is a place where Lumads and Maguindanaons barter and exchange goods. There were significant Tabos recorded in Labo, Badak and Tuka.
On the other hand, Maguindanaons held barter trading among themselves in Datu Piang, several kilometers away. They traverse the Allah River down to Rio Grande de Mindanao (Pulangui) to trade. Tuka is a small breaker point along Allah River that also served as a fishing dock during earlier times.
Trade also prospered upon the arrival of traders from Malaysia, Indonesia, Borneo and China. The foreign traders introduced to the natives non-domestic goods such as silk, textiles, iron and brass wares, ornaments, spices and weapons equally important to the growing needs and demands of the populace. Trading also enabled the natives to develop their skills in black smith, pottery and weaving. a
(Blogger’s note: This post is the third part of an eight-part series on the Maguindanao people. Each part is posted every Monday starting December 8, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
In sustaining the community, the natives later practiced the method of traditional swidden agriculture as an efficient and reliable method of farming. They were able to thoroughly identify suitable areas for farming that can have several croppings in a season.
To ensure and retain the productivity of the land, the natives transfer from one farm land to another, leaving and allowing the cultivated land to regain its nutrients. The fallow method provided the natives abundant and uninterrupted source of farm products, and nurtured the environment’s potentials.
The Maguindanaos highly regard the wisdom imparted by early ancestors pertaining to land ownership and utilization. For the Maguindanao, land is priceless and every creature depends on it. No one can own land, but one has the responsibility to sustain its beauty and essence. Thus, early ancestors did not believe in land titles to determine ownership of land, but relied on its utilization as a common source of life.
In earlier times, barter trading flourished among Manobo and Maguindanaon ancestors. Tuka (now a barangay of Bagumbayan) was an ancestral trading center known endemically as Tabo. It is a place where Lumads and Maguindanaons barter and exchange goods. There were significant Tabos recorded in Labo, Badak and Tuka.
On the other hand, Maguindanaons held barter trading among themselves in Datu Piang, several kilometers away. They traverse the Allah River down to Rio Grande de Mindanao (Pulangui) to trade. Tuka is a small breaker point along Allah River that also served as a fishing dock during earlier times.
Trade also prospered upon the arrival of traders from Malaysia, Indonesia, Borneo and China. The foreign traders introduced to the natives non-domestic goods such as silk, textiles, iron and brass wares, ornaments, spices and weapons equally important to the growing needs and demands of the populace. Trading also enabled the natives to develop their skills in black smith, pottery and weaving. a
(Blogger’s note: This post is the third part of an eight-part series on the Maguindanao people. Each part is posted every Monday starting December 8, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
Monday, December 15, 2014
The Maguindanao and Their Ancestral Domain
The descendants of Sultan sa Labo, upon learning of the opportunity to claim back their ancestral domain, organized the Sultan sa Labo Descendants Organization and expressed intention to file ancestral domain claims through DAO 2 [Department Administrative Order 02, series of 1993].
Oral tradition articulated by elders confirm the AD claim of the descendants of Sultan Padasan (Sultan sa Labo), covering most of the hinterlands of Bagumbayan as their ancestral territory.
Before the creation of Bagumbayan into a municipality in 1969, the territorial domain of Sultan sa Labo was the sultanate of the Binambalanen and Blinen—genealogical clans whose territory stretched from Laguilayan to Surallah, now parts of Isulan and South Cotabato.
The elders can easily substantiate this claim through knowledge of their ancestral legacies and all the historical accounts that go with it. This includes knowledge of territorial landmarks and epics that imbued popular beliefs among early Maguindanaoans in the area.
Daguma range was a vital source of products for establishing settlements by the natives. The ancestors depended much from its forests for the food that they ate and the houses where they lived. It was not just a place where early natives produced timbers and logs to build houses. Rather, it was an important landmark that linked their existence to past generations. Daguma, which means tuber trees, was ancestral hunting ground of the Maguindanaons of Bagumbayan.
Kolambog, now a part of Isulan, Sultan Kudarat was once a famous area for holding religious and social festivities. It was the cultural center of Maguindanaon forbears, where they observed important occasions such as Kalilang (marriage rites) and other Muslim occasions.
Initial estimates put the scope of the claim in Bagumbayan, Sultan Kudarat at 9,000 hectares. The claim covers the areas along the foothills and mountain range portions, including all important landmarks. Specifically, these are the Daguma Mountain Range in Barangay Daguma; stretches of undulating hills in Barangays Chua and Masiag; Sitio Slatan bounding the Kyukid Creek of Barangay Muno, and the Pangulan Creek of Poblacion. Also included in the petitions are alienable and disposable lands in Barangays Tuka, Busuk and Bai Saripinang.
The natives here can trace the histories behind the names of landmarks and other important sites. For instance, Mount Dabumbol and Pitot a Kalabaw got their names from their unique appearances. Mount Dabumbol (bald) is actually a hill depleted of trees. Pitot a Kalabaw on the other hand was an ancestral hunting ground that resembled a carabao’s hind.
To the central portion of Bagumbayan lies Mount Awot, a hill with little vegetation but likewise a popular spot. It is where the Awot creek flows. The creek got its name because spring water gushes through it after occasional heavy rains, but dries out during summer.
Other important landmarks of Bagumbayan are Kiyukid Creek in Barangay Muno, Mount Makaw in Sitio Awot, Pangulan Creek and the Tantawan Rock formations in Barangay Daguma. The Tantawan rock formation was once a strategic location where early natives could survey the plains of the territory.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the second part of an eight-part series on the Maguindanao people. Each part is posted every Monday starting December 8, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced. Insertions in brackets are mine.)
Oral tradition articulated by elders confirm the AD claim of the descendants of Sultan Padasan (Sultan sa Labo), covering most of the hinterlands of Bagumbayan as their ancestral territory.
Before the creation of Bagumbayan into a municipality in 1969, the territorial domain of Sultan sa Labo was the sultanate of the Binambalanen and Blinen—genealogical clans whose territory stretched from Laguilayan to Surallah, now parts of Isulan and South Cotabato.
The elders can easily substantiate this claim through knowledge of their ancestral legacies and all the historical accounts that go with it. This includes knowledge of territorial landmarks and epics that imbued popular beliefs among early Maguindanaoans in the area.
Daguma range was a vital source of products for establishing settlements by the natives. The ancestors depended much from its forests for the food that they ate and the houses where they lived. It was not just a place where early natives produced timbers and logs to build houses. Rather, it was an important landmark that linked their existence to past generations. Daguma, which means tuber trees, was ancestral hunting ground of the Maguindanaons of Bagumbayan.
Kolambog, now a part of Isulan, Sultan Kudarat was once a famous area for holding religious and social festivities. It was the cultural center of Maguindanaon forbears, where they observed important occasions such as Kalilang (marriage rites) and other Muslim occasions.
Initial estimates put the scope of the claim in Bagumbayan, Sultan Kudarat at 9,000 hectares. The claim covers the areas along the foothills and mountain range portions, including all important landmarks. Specifically, these are the Daguma Mountain Range in Barangay Daguma; stretches of undulating hills in Barangays Chua and Masiag; Sitio Slatan bounding the Kyukid Creek of Barangay Muno, and the Pangulan Creek of Poblacion. Also included in the petitions are alienable and disposable lands in Barangays Tuka, Busuk and Bai Saripinang.
The natives here can trace the histories behind the names of landmarks and other important sites. For instance, Mount Dabumbol and Pitot a Kalabaw got their names from their unique appearances. Mount Dabumbol (bald) is actually a hill depleted of trees. Pitot a Kalabaw on the other hand was an ancestral hunting ground that resembled a carabao’s hind.
To the central portion of Bagumbayan lies Mount Awot, a hill with little vegetation but likewise a popular spot. It is where the Awot creek flows. The creek got its name because spring water gushes through it after occasional heavy rains, but dries out during summer.
Other important landmarks of Bagumbayan are Kiyukid Creek in Barangay Muno, Mount Makaw in Sitio Awot, Pangulan Creek and the Tantawan Rock formations in Barangay Daguma. The Tantawan rock formation was once a strategic location where early natives could survey the plains of the territory.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the second part of an eight-part series on the Maguindanao people. Each part is posted every Monday starting December 8, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced. Insertions in brackets are mine.)
Monday, December 8, 2014
The Maguindanao and Their History
The history of the Maguindanao [ancestral domain] claimants dates back to the pre-Islamic era roughly four and a half centuries ago. They take pride in being descendants of Tabunaway, who embraced Islam during the Islamization of Mindanao and significantly influenced the setting up of new social structures in the island.
Sovereignty passed from Tabunaway to Shariph Kabungsuan, who established the sultanate during Islamization. Under the traditional or adat structure, Shariph Kabungsuan represented the datu (ruling class) by reason of his barabangsa descent and princely ancestry. The datuship of Maguindanao vested in him and his direct descendants the eligibility for succession to the Maguindanao ruling class. Tabunaway became the progenitor of the Damatus of Maguindanao while from the descendants of his elder brother Mamalu came the Lumads.
Several generations later, in the 1860s, Maguindanao installed Sultan Dipatuan Kudarat as paramount Sultan. His legacy was his strong resistance against Spanish colonization. He took credit in consolidating all traditional leaders of Maguindanao for independence from foreign domination and led the Sultanate into power and unity.
The traditional leadership that descended from the clans helped the Maguindanao Sultanate flourish, as did other minor principalities and territories. One of the descendants was Sultan Padasan, otherwise known as the Sultan Sa Labo of the Blinen and Binambalanen clans that ruled over vast territories covering the western part of the Allah River. These areas include what was once Laguilayan, now part of Isulan and extending to Surallah, South Cotabato.
During his rule, the Sultan established sovereign sociopolitical and economic systems that lasted until the American period.
Today, one of his direct descendants, Sultan Mukalid Bansil, is establishing claim over the ancestral domains located in the municipality of Bagumbayan. Sultan Mukalid Bansil is the great, great grandson of Sultan sa Labo. According to the Tarsillah (genealogical record) of Sultan Padasan, Sultan Mukalid Bansil is the son of Datu Mapalaw—the son of Datu Mapayag whose father was Rajamuda Bansil, the son and heir to the throne of Sultan sa Labo.
Sultan Mukalid Bansil resides in Daguma where he plans to establish his Torrogan, the Royal House of the Sultan.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the first part of an eight-part series on the Maguindanao people. Each part is posted every Monday starting December 8, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced. Insertions in brackets are mine.)
Sovereignty passed from Tabunaway to Shariph Kabungsuan, who established the sultanate during Islamization. Under the traditional or adat structure, Shariph Kabungsuan represented the datu (ruling class) by reason of his barabangsa descent and princely ancestry. The datuship of Maguindanao vested in him and his direct descendants the eligibility for succession to the Maguindanao ruling class. Tabunaway became the progenitor of the Damatus of Maguindanao while from the descendants of his elder brother Mamalu came the Lumads.
Several generations later, in the 1860s, Maguindanao installed Sultan Dipatuan Kudarat as paramount Sultan. His legacy was his strong resistance against Spanish colonization. He took credit in consolidating all traditional leaders of Maguindanao for independence from foreign domination and led the Sultanate into power and unity.
The traditional leadership that descended from the clans helped the Maguindanao Sultanate flourish, as did other minor principalities and territories. One of the descendants was Sultan Padasan, otherwise known as the Sultan Sa Labo of the Blinen and Binambalanen clans that ruled over vast territories covering the western part of the Allah River. These areas include what was once Laguilayan, now part of Isulan and extending to Surallah, South Cotabato.
During his rule, the Sultan established sovereign sociopolitical and economic systems that lasted until the American period.
Today, one of his direct descendants, Sultan Mukalid Bansil, is establishing claim over the ancestral domains located in the municipality of Bagumbayan. Sultan Mukalid Bansil is the great, great grandson of Sultan sa Labo. According to the Tarsillah (genealogical record) of Sultan Padasan, Sultan Mukalid Bansil is the son of Datu Mapalaw—the son of Datu Mapayag whose father was Rajamuda Bansil, the son and heir to the throne of Sultan sa Labo.
Sultan Mukalid Bansil resides in Daguma where he plans to establish his Torrogan, the Royal House of the Sultan.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the first part of an eight-part series on the Maguindanao people. Each part is posted every Monday starting December 8, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced. Insertions in brackets are mine.)
Monday, December 1, 2014
Teduray Art and Culture
In the field of performing arts, the Tedurays, like many Mindanao Lumad groups, use the agong in their ensemble. Their kelo-agong or kalatong ensemble has five shallow embossed gongs in graduated sizes, producing delicate sounds. The smallest of the gongs, called segarun, leads off with a steady beat, while the four others join in with their own rhythms. The kelo-agong is used on various occasions, such as agricultural rituals, weddings, community gatherings, victory celebrations, curing rites, rituals for the dead and entertainment of visitors. The musical pieces played on the kelo-agong includes antibay, fat moto, liwan-kanrewan, turambes and tunggol bandera.
There are other several musical instruments used by the Teduray in everyday and ritual occasions. The kubing is a jaw harp made from a special variety of bamboo. Among the Teduray, the kubing is used for courting as well as for entertainment.
The togo is a five-stringed bamboo tube zither which may play the same pieces heard on the gong ensemble. It is a solo instrument, but several zithers are often played all at once. Two women play the instrument. One holds one end of the bamboo tube as she plays a melody on the strings. The other holds the other end, and plays on the other two strings. This instrument is important because it can substitute for the kelo-agong. It shares a similar function and may be heard during the same occasions when the kelo-agong is played. In addition the togo accompanies songs and dances.
The fegerong is a two-stringed lute with five to seven frets. This instrument is used for courtship and entertainment. Among the repertoire played on the fegerong are the music pieces laminggang and makigidawgidaw.
The two bamboo flutes of the Teduray are the falendag and suling. Both have three fingerholes and a thumbhole. The falendag is the lip valley or deep-notched bamboo flute. Its construction makes possible lip control of the air flowing into the tube, allowing for a degree of tonal control and sensitivity not possible with flutes of similar dimension but with differently shaped blowing holes, such as the suling or short ring flute. The suling is also called by this name among the Maguindanao, Manobo, Bukidnon, Tausug and the Palawan. It is a duct flute, the sound of which is produced by adjusting the ring on the mouthpiece in relation to the blowing hole. The pitch of the suling has a higher range than the falendag’s and can similarly express specific emotions, such as the sobbing of a girl who has just been told by the parents that she is about to be married.
The Teduray have a wide range of songs for various occasions. The balikata is a song with improvised text, sung to the traditional melodies. It could be a melodic pattern used for debates, for pleading causes, or for plain conversation. The balikata bae is a common lullaby in which the mother tells the child to sleep soundly and grow up as strong as the rattan vine. The lendugan also describe the lifeways of the Teduray. The binuaya is a narrative song that tells stories of great events in the distant past. The siasid is a sung prayer invoking the blessings of god Lagey Lengkuwos and the nature spirits Serong and Remoger. The foto moto is a teasing song performed during weddings. The meka meka is a song of loyalty sung by a wife to her husband. The melodies of songs like foto moto and meka meka are foten rendered on the kelo-agong and other instruments.
One of the more notable Teduray dances is the magasik, literally “to sow seeds”. The dance begins with a large piece of bright-colored cloth or material placed on the ground or on the middle of the floor. The women go around the cloth with small heavy steps, their arms and hands moving about in graceful fashion. The dancers wear tight long-sleeved blouses of shiny material, in various colors and with a peplum along the waist. Teduray women favor bright yellow, red, blue, orange, purple and black. They wear the patadyong, a skirt that goes all the way down to their anklets. They may also wear a necklace made of gold beads or old silver coins which goes all around their necks and reaches down to the waist. They also wear rich metal belts about 15 centimeters wide. The saronghangs on the left shoulders of the dancers and only their lower lips are painted.
The two other types of Teduray dances are the kefesayaw teilawan, in which the dancers imitate bird movements, and the tingle, a war dance in which two rival suitors fight for the affection of a maiden. Both dances are performed during wedding celebrations and other festivities.
Early Teduray costumes, including the weaponry which form part of their accoutrements, differ according to the place of habitation. Men of the downstream people who live near the towns and the Maguindanao population wear long trousers and waist-length shirts. Their weapons consist of a kris carried at the side, a spear held like a walking stick, a fegoto (wide bladed kris) slung over the shoulders, a dagger tucked at the waist, and either a round shield called taming or an elongated one called kelung. Those who live along the coast wear G-strings and shirts. Their weaponry consist of kemongen, a blade similar to the kris but smaller than the fegoto, a spear, a bow and a quiver of arrows (which even children carry around). These arrows are tipped with kemendag, the poisonous sap of a certain tree. The men from the mountains wear short trousers and the same cut of shirt as the other groups. Although they tend to have less body covering despite their mountain residence. Their weapons consist of the kris, spear, bows and arrows.
Teduray women in general wear a sarong called emut, made form abaca fiber. They wear shirt similar to those of the men, which is nearly of the same general cut, except that the women’s blouse is form fitting, while the men’s hang more loosely. Since Teduray women never developed the art of weaving cloth, their dress materials come from outside sources. The women also wear rinti, a series of brass bracelets of different sizes, extending from the wrist and up the forearm; a brass cord and belt decorated with small jingling bells which they wear around the wrists; brass anklet rings, necklaces of glass beads and colored crystals, and the kemagi, a necklace made of gold. They also sport wire earrings from which they hang small shell ornaments. The Teduray women are never without a knife and a small basket, which they carry wherever they go.
Both men and women wear the sayaf, a shallow conical hat made from buri, worn for protection against the sun (Schlegel 1970).
(Blogger’s note: This post is the last part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
There are other several musical instruments used by the Teduray in everyday and ritual occasions. The kubing is a jaw harp made from a special variety of bamboo. Among the Teduray, the kubing is used for courting as well as for entertainment.
The togo is a five-stringed bamboo tube zither which may play the same pieces heard on the gong ensemble. It is a solo instrument, but several zithers are often played all at once. Two women play the instrument. One holds one end of the bamboo tube as she plays a melody on the strings. The other holds the other end, and plays on the other two strings. This instrument is important because it can substitute for the kelo-agong. It shares a similar function and may be heard during the same occasions when the kelo-agong is played. In addition the togo accompanies songs and dances.
The fegerong is a two-stringed lute with five to seven frets. This instrument is used for courtship and entertainment. Among the repertoire played on the fegerong are the music pieces laminggang and makigidawgidaw.
The two bamboo flutes of the Teduray are the falendag and suling. Both have three fingerholes and a thumbhole. The falendag is the lip valley or deep-notched bamboo flute. Its construction makes possible lip control of the air flowing into the tube, allowing for a degree of tonal control and sensitivity not possible with flutes of similar dimension but with differently shaped blowing holes, such as the suling or short ring flute. The suling is also called by this name among the Maguindanao, Manobo, Bukidnon, Tausug and the Palawan. It is a duct flute, the sound of which is produced by adjusting the ring on the mouthpiece in relation to the blowing hole. The pitch of the suling has a higher range than the falendag’s and can similarly express specific emotions, such as the sobbing of a girl who has just been told by the parents that she is about to be married.
The Teduray have a wide range of songs for various occasions. The balikata is a song with improvised text, sung to the traditional melodies. It could be a melodic pattern used for debates, for pleading causes, or for plain conversation. The balikata bae is a common lullaby in which the mother tells the child to sleep soundly and grow up as strong as the rattan vine. The lendugan also describe the lifeways of the Teduray. The binuaya is a narrative song that tells stories of great events in the distant past. The siasid is a sung prayer invoking the blessings of god Lagey Lengkuwos and the nature spirits Serong and Remoger. The foto moto is a teasing song performed during weddings. The meka meka is a song of loyalty sung by a wife to her husband. The melodies of songs like foto moto and meka meka are foten rendered on the kelo-agong and other instruments.
One of the more notable Teduray dances is the magasik, literally “to sow seeds”. The dance begins with a large piece of bright-colored cloth or material placed on the ground or on the middle of the floor. The women go around the cloth with small heavy steps, their arms and hands moving about in graceful fashion. The dancers wear tight long-sleeved blouses of shiny material, in various colors and with a peplum along the waist. Teduray women favor bright yellow, red, blue, orange, purple and black. They wear the patadyong, a skirt that goes all the way down to their anklets. They may also wear a necklace made of gold beads or old silver coins which goes all around their necks and reaches down to the waist. They also wear rich metal belts about 15 centimeters wide. The saronghangs on the left shoulders of the dancers and only their lower lips are painted.
The two other types of Teduray dances are the kefesayaw teilawan, in which the dancers imitate bird movements, and the tingle, a war dance in which two rival suitors fight for the affection of a maiden. Both dances are performed during wedding celebrations and other festivities.
Early Teduray costumes, including the weaponry which form part of their accoutrements, differ according to the place of habitation. Men of the downstream people who live near the towns and the Maguindanao population wear long trousers and waist-length shirts. Their weapons consist of a kris carried at the side, a spear held like a walking stick, a fegoto (wide bladed kris) slung over the shoulders, a dagger tucked at the waist, and either a round shield called taming or an elongated one called kelung. Those who live along the coast wear G-strings and shirts. Their weaponry consist of kemongen, a blade similar to the kris but smaller than the fegoto, a spear, a bow and a quiver of arrows (which even children carry around). These arrows are tipped with kemendag, the poisonous sap of a certain tree. The men from the mountains wear short trousers and the same cut of shirt as the other groups. Although they tend to have less body covering despite their mountain residence. Their weapons consist of the kris, spear, bows and arrows.
Teduray women in general wear a sarong called emut, made form abaca fiber. They wear shirt similar to those of the men, which is nearly of the same general cut, except that the women’s blouse is form fitting, while the men’s hang more loosely. Since Teduray women never developed the art of weaving cloth, their dress materials come from outside sources. The women also wear rinti, a series of brass bracelets of different sizes, extending from the wrist and up the forearm; a brass cord and belt decorated with small jingling bells which they wear around the wrists; brass anklet rings, necklaces of glass beads and colored crystals, and the kemagi, a necklace made of gold. They also sport wire earrings from which they hang small shell ornaments. The Teduray women are never without a knife and a small basket, which they carry wherever they go.
Both men and women wear the sayaf, a shallow conical hat made from buri, worn for protection against the sun (Schlegel 1970).
(Blogger’s note: This post is the last part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
Monday, November 24, 2014
Teduray Kinship and Social Ties
Four overlapping social groups may be identified among traditional Teduray: the neighborhood, the settlement, the household and the nuclear family. The family is determined by kin ties, the household and settlement are spatially identified, and the nuclear family [neighborhood?] is a matter of ongoing social ties related to cooperation in day to day subsistence work.
The neighborhood or inged is the largest social unit with discrete boundaries. A neighborhood consists of a number of families, usually living in several settlements, which regularly assist each other in their farming activities and rituals. The inged is basically a subsistence cooperative group. It is not a distinctive attribute of a traditional Teduray neighborhood that its members should all be linked by kinship ties, but it is often the case that such ties pervade the inged.
Neighborhoods vary widely in overall population and in the number of settlements, households and families that they include. Persons living in any household do not normally reside in a single central village but in settlements called denowon—small dispersed hamlets of one to ten or more households.
Every swidden farmer must necessarily associate his family with others in a neighborhood to be part of the needed cooperative work group, but he need not live in company of other families in a settlement. In general, any family is free to establish its residence in any settlement it wishes, and no rules exist to structure a settlement according to any kinship principle. Nonetheless, some relationship, either by blood or affinity, will commonly link the families that settle together on the same hamlet.
Settlements are generally situated near the source of water and are regularly named after prominent nearby geographical features. A neighborhood generally takes its name from its principal settlement. If asked where they are from, a Teduray always replies with the name of their neighborhood, not that of their settlement. The latter does not have the stability of location or family composition that a neighborhood has, and tends to shift around as the people look for better spots or abandon a location which have come to be associated with illness or death. Neighborhoods, not settlements, are the important and relatively stable territorial units.
Much sharing goes on among the households of a neighborhood. Fish caught in the river in any number are always shared with all other inged families, as are snack foods such as fruits or roasted corn. Chickens, eggs and rice, on the other hand are not shared, except in ritual meals or with visitors, as they symbolize the discreetness of every household. In contrast, the flesh of a deer or wild pig caught in hunting is always shared with the entire neighborhood, with each household receiving a carefully measured equal share. This signifies the cooperative unity of the neighborhood, a unity also expressed in the rice exchanges characteristic of neighborhood ritual feasts.
Relations between household may be by kinship or bride price or swidden cooperation. But the households are generally independent, self-determining units. Aside from his membership in such social groups as the family, household, settlement and neighborhood, every Teduray is the center point of a personal kindred which, reckoned bilaterally, includes all the descendants of his four pairs of his great-grandparents and reaches laterally to include all second cousins. Spouses married into one’s kindred are not included in it. The kindred have important responsibilities, and members are mobilized on one’s behalf in disputes, in the establishment of a family through marriage, and in its dissolution through death or divorce. The kindred on the other hand are not involved in any direct way with subsistence activities.
The largest social unit is the inged, which usually comprises several settlements. The household belonging to the inged render mutual assistance among themselves in all swidden related activities as well as in all the community rituals. Ordinarily, almost all members of the inged are linked to one another either by blood through marriage ties.
The Tedurays communities [sic] are also organized in settlements of five to ten families called dengonon. These are actually small, dispersed hamlets, spread out over an area.
The basic residential unit is a nuclear family, composed of the iboh (father), ideng (mother) and the inga (children), unmarried or married, who have not yet put up their own dwellings. In some cases, unmarried and dependent elders would form part of the household, which also includes the other wives of the household head. The Teduray word for family is kureng, which means “pot”, i.e., a family is deemed as a group of persons living together and eating from the same pot.
In earlier times, members of a neighborhood shared a single large house. This seems to have been the rule in periods of political instability, on account of tribal wars. Starting from the American occupation, with the territory more or less pacified through military control, Teduray families started living in individual houses. The term setifon, which means “of one house” is still used to refer to all members of one neighborhood. The one large house in the inged is where the kefeduwan normally stays.
The head of the kureng follows the strict code of responsibility for feeding and provisioning the household, whether he is monogynous or polygenous [sic]. All property, money and crops are jointly owned by the household, with the wife seeing to it that economic tasks, responsibilities and rights are properly adhered to within the kureng. A polygynous marriage can be allowed if the first wife gives her consent. Furthermore, the senior wife becomes the “first among equals”, acting as chief spokesperson for all the other wives with regard to their rights and duties within the household.
In Teduray society, marriage takes place when the man’s relatives have succeeded in accumulating the bride price called tamuk, delivered to the parents of the bride. During marriage, relatives of the groom are called upon to contribute their share of items making up the bride price. The kefeduwans and their families are enjoined to assist in performing the marriage rites. The role of the bride’s relatives is to help in the determination and distribution of the bride price.
The kinship terminology follows the generational structure and is reckoned bilaterally from the father’s and mother’s lineage. The kinship terms used are eboh (father), ideng (mother), ofo (older sibling), tuwarey (younger sibling) and inga (children). After marriage, brothers are likely to combine or join their families together into one household. The same practice holds true for sisters who get married. In the old days, child marriages were common.
Inside the kureng, the closest relationship possible is that between husband and wife. Their children will eventually grow up, have their own spouses and set up their own kureng. So long as their marriage lasts, they will live permanently together in the same “pot”. The closeness of man and woman in marriage is partly explained by the division of labor between man’s work and woman’s work in the Teduray swidden. It becomes very necessary that every farmer has an active wife and that each adult and active woman is wedded to a worker husband. This is why selamfa, eloping with a married person, is considered a grave transgression against Teduray society; the very fabric holding it together is threatened.
It is acceptable to have a duwoy, a co-wife, which could be more than one. There are several reasons for a polygamous relationship. The most common is the death of a relative who lives behind a widow. The man is allowed to accept the widow into his kureng. Or, a man may decide to add on to their social prestige by taking on an additional wife, particularly a young woman. Another acceptable reason is the need to sire children, if the first wife cannot bear him any. The one condition is that the tafay bawag, the senior or first wife, must give her consent. While she can always prevent her bawag (husband) from marrying another wife or any number of wives, in practice, it is in the woman who often suggests that her man take in a duwoy, because of the advantage she perceives in the arrangement. She will have another person with whom to share the burden of so much work in the house and in the swidden. The tafay bawag exercises clear authority over the other wives. She assigns to them a share of the work in her husband’s fields. Everything that they produce is shared. The first wife sees to it that all of the duwoy’s pots receive an equitable share of food.
Socialization for the children starts at an early age. They are suckled by their mothers up to the age of two or three, or as long as no new baby has arrived. But once they are able to walk, they are allowed to play around the village, without any supervision from the elders. When they reach the age of six, they become little helpers in the swidden fields. Boys are assigned the tasks of gathering firewood, tending the farm animals, hunting wild birds with their little blowguns, and guarding the fields from marauding monkeys. The girls on the other hand help in pounding the rice, weaving rattan baskets, fetching water and washing clothes. In working, the Teduray children learn all there is to know about surviving in their society so that by the time they are adolescents, they can do the same work as their parents and have absorbed the skills they need to function as Teduray adults.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the eighth part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
The neighborhood or inged is the largest social unit with discrete boundaries. A neighborhood consists of a number of families, usually living in several settlements, which regularly assist each other in their farming activities and rituals. The inged is basically a subsistence cooperative group. It is not a distinctive attribute of a traditional Teduray neighborhood that its members should all be linked by kinship ties, but it is often the case that such ties pervade the inged.
Neighborhoods vary widely in overall population and in the number of settlements, households and families that they include. Persons living in any household do not normally reside in a single central village but in settlements called denowon—small dispersed hamlets of one to ten or more households.
Every swidden farmer must necessarily associate his family with others in a neighborhood to be part of the needed cooperative work group, but he need not live in company of other families in a settlement. In general, any family is free to establish its residence in any settlement it wishes, and no rules exist to structure a settlement according to any kinship principle. Nonetheless, some relationship, either by blood or affinity, will commonly link the families that settle together on the same hamlet.
Settlements are generally situated near the source of water and are regularly named after prominent nearby geographical features. A neighborhood generally takes its name from its principal settlement. If asked where they are from, a Teduray always replies with the name of their neighborhood, not that of their settlement. The latter does not have the stability of location or family composition that a neighborhood has, and tends to shift around as the people look for better spots or abandon a location which have come to be associated with illness or death. Neighborhoods, not settlements, are the important and relatively stable territorial units.
Much sharing goes on among the households of a neighborhood. Fish caught in the river in any number are always shared with all other inged families, as are snack foods such as fruits or roasted corn. Chickens, eggs and rice, on the other hand are not shared, except in ritual meals or with visitors, as they symbolize the discreetness of every household. In contrast, the flesh of a deer or wild pig caught in hunting is always shared with the entire neighborhood, with each household receiving a carefully measured equal share. This signifies the cooperative unity of the neighborhood, a unity also expressed in the rice exchanges characteristic of neighborhood ritual feasts.
Relations between household may be by kinship or bride price or swidden cooperation. But the households are generally independent, self-determining units. Aside from his membership in such social groups as the family, household, settlement and neighborhood, every Teduray is the center point of a personal kindred which, reckoned bilaterally, includes all the descendants of his four pairs of his great-grandparents and reaches laterally to include all second cousins. Spouses married into one’s kindred are not included in it. The kindred have important responsibilities, and members are mobilized on one’s behalf in disputes, in the establishment of a family through marriage, and in its dissolution through death or divorce. The kindred on the other hand are not involved in any direct way with subsistence activities.
The largest social unit is the inged, which usually comprises several settlements. The household belonging to the inged render mutual assistance among themselves in all swidden related activities as well as in all the community rituals. Ordinarily, almost all members of the inged are linked to one another either by blood through marriage ties.
The Tedurays communities [sic] are also organized in settlements of five to ten families called dengonon. These are actually small, dispersed hamlets, spread out over an area.
The basic residential unit is a nuclear family, composed of the iboh (father), ideng (mother) and the inga (children), unmarried or married, who have not yet put up their own dwellings. In some cases, unmarried and dependent elders would form part of the household, which also includes the other wives of the household head. The Teduray word for family is kureng, which means “pot”, i.e., a family is deemed as a group of persons living together and eating from the same pot.
In earlier times, members of a neighborhood shared a single large house. This seems to have been the rule in periods of political instability, on account of tribal wars. Starting from the American occupation, with the territory more or less pacified through military control, Teduray families started living in individual houses. The term setifon, which means “of one house” is still used to refer to all members of one neighborhood. The one large house in the inged is where the kefeduwan normally stays.
The head of the kureng follows the strict code of responsibility for feeding and provisioning the household, whether he is monogynous or polygenous [sic]. All property, money and crops are jointly owned by the household, with the wife seeing to it that economic tasks, responsibilities and rights are properly adhered to within the kureng. A polygynous marriage can be allowed if the first wife gives her consent. Furthermore, the senior wife becomes the “first among equals”, acting as chief spokesperson for all the other wives with regard to their rights and duties within the household.
In Teduray society, marriage takes place when the man’s relatives have succeeded in accumulating the bride price called tamuk, delivered to the parents of the bride. During marriage, relatives of the groom are called upon to contribute their share of items making up the bride price. The kefeduwans and their families are enjoined to assist in performing the marriage rites. The role of the bride’s relatives is to help in the determination and distribution of the bride price.
The kinship terminology follows the generational structure and is reckoned bilaterally from the father’s and mother’s lineage. The kinship terms used are eboh (father), ideng (mother), ofo (older sibling), tuwarey (younger sibling) and inga (children). After marriage, brothers are likely to combine or join their families together into one household. The same practice holds true for sisters who get married. In the old days, child marriages were common.
Inside the kureng, the closest relationship possible is that between husband and wife. Their children will eventually grow up, have their own spouses and set up their own kureng. So long as their marriage lasts, they will live permanently together in the same “pot”. The closeness of man and woman in marriage is partly explained by the division of labor between man’s work and woman’s work in the Teduray swidden. It becomes very necessary that every farmer has an active wife and that each adult and active woman is wedded to a worker husband. This is why selamfa, eloping with a married person, is considered a grave transgression against Teduray society; the very fabric holding it together is threatened.
It is acceptable to have a duwoy, a co-wife, which could be more than one. There are several reasons for a polygamous relationship. The most common is the death of a relative who lives behind a widow. The man is allowed to accept the widow into his kureng. Or, a man may decide to add on to their social prestige by taking on an additional wife, particularly a young woman. Another acceptable reason is the need to sire children, if the first wife cannot bear him any. The one condition is that the tafay bawag, the senior or first wife, must give her consent. While she can always prevent her bawag (husband) from marrying another wife or any number of wives, in practice, it is in the woman who often suggests that her man take in a duwoy, because of the advantage she perceives in the arrangement. She will have another person with whom to share the burden of so much work in the house and in the swidden. The tafay bawag exercises clear authority over the other wives. She assigns to them a share of the work in her husband’s fields. Everything that they produce is shared. The first wife sees to it that all of the duwoy’s pots receive an equitable share of food.
Socialization for the children starts at an early age. They are suckled by their mothers up to the age of two or three, or as long as no new baby has arrived. But once they are able to walk, they are allowed to play around the village, without any supervision from the elders. When they reach the age of six, they become little helpers in the swidden fields. Boys are assigned the tasks of gathering firewood, tending the farm animals, hunting wild birds with their little blowguns, and guarding the fields from marauding monkeys. The girls on the other hand help in pounding the rice, weaving rattan baskets, fetching water and washing clothes. In working, the Teduray children learn all there is to know about surviving in their society so that by the time they are adolescents, they can do the same work as their parents and have absorbed the skills they need to function as Teduray adults.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the eighth part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
Monday, November 17, 2014
The Teduray and Their Polity
The political organization in Teduray society is not hierarchical. Each inged (neighborhood) of subsistence groups may have a leader who sees to the clearing of the swidden, the planting and harvesting of crops, and the equal sharing of the rice or any other food produced from the land. The leader or head also determines, in consultation with the beliyan, when to move and clear another swidden settlement.
Teduray society is governed and kept together by their adat or customary law, and by an indigenous legal and justice system designed to uphold the adat. An acknowledged expert in customary law, the kefeduwan, exercises legal and moral authority. The expert presides over the tiyawan, the formal adjudicatory discussion before which cases are brought involving members of the community, for deliberation and settlement.
The kefeduwan’s position is not based on wealth, as there is hardly any economic stratification among the traditional Teduray. It is not a separate position or profession, because he continues to carry on the usual economic activities of other menfolk in the community. The most learned in Teduray customs and laws, possessing a skill for reasoning, a remarkable memory and an aptitude for calmness in debate, and “who learns to speak in the highly metaphorical rhetoric of a tiyawan,” is apt to be acknowledged as a kefeduwan.
In one inged, there may be more than one kefeduwan, and several more minor kefeduwan. The main responsibility of a kefeduwan in Teduray society is to see to it that the respective rights and the feelings of all the people involved in a case up for settlement are respected and satisfied. The central goal in the Teduray justice system, according to Schlegel, is for everyone to have a “good fedew”, which means “one’s state of mind or rational feelings, one’s condition of desiring or intending.” The legal and moral authority of the kefeduwan exists for this social goal. Thus, the administration of justice is geared towards the satisfaction not only of one party in a case submitted to adjudication, but of both sides. This institution has made possible a significant development in the Teduray justice system. In the past, retaliation was deemed the acceptable means of seeking justice. But with the ascendancy of the tiyawan, retribution has been reduced to the payment of fine or damages.
This traditional system of justice is still followed, especially in the interior settlements where the old lifeways and practices persist. But like most of the other ethno-linguistic groups in the country, the Teduray are subject not only to the formal structures of local governments under national law, but also to the pressure of political change.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the seventh part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
Teduray society is governed and kept together by their adat or customary law, and by an indigenous legal and justice system designed to uphold the adat. An acknowledged expert in customary law, the kefeduwan, exercises legal and moral authority. The expert presides over the tiyawan, the formal adjudicatory discussion before which cases are brought involving members of the community, for deliberation and settlement.
The kefeduwan’s position is not based on wealth, as there is hardly any economic stratification among the traditional Teduray. It is not a separate position or profession, because he continues to carry on the usual economic activities of other menfolk in the community. The most learned in Teduray customs and laws, possessing a skill for reasoning, a remarkable memory and an aptitude for calmness in debate, and “who learns to speak in the highly metaphorical rhetoric of a tiyawan,” is apt to be acknowledged as a kefeduwan.
In one inged, there may be more than one kefeduwan, and several more minor kefeduwan. The main responsibility of a kefeduwan in Teduray society is to see to it that the respective rights and the feelings of all the people involved in a case up for settlement are respected and satisfied. The central goal in the Teduray justice system, according to Schlegel, is for everyone to have a “good fedew”, which means “one’s state of mind or rational feelings, one’s condition of desiring or intending.” The legal and moral authority of the kefeduwan exists for this social goal. Thus, the administration of justice is geared towards the satisfaction not only of one party in a case submitted to adjudication, but of both sides. This institution has made possible a significant development in the Teduray justice system. In the past, retaliation was deemed the acceptable means of seeking justice. But with the ascendancy of the tiyawan, retribution has been reduced to the payment of fine or damages.
This traditional system of justice is still followed, especially in the interior settlements where the old lifeways and practices persist. But like most of the other ethno-linguistic groups in the country, the Teduray are subject not only to the formal structures of local governments under national law, but also to the pressure of political change.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the seventh part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
Monday, November 10, 2014
The Teduray and Their Economy
For a long time, the Teduray practiced a subsistence system mainly based on traditional swidden cultivation. Supplemental food supplies were procured through hunting, fishing, and gathering. Other necessities of life, such as iron tools for slash and burn agriculture, household implements and personal items, were obtained through trade with the Maguindanao.
Weaving, blacksmithing and pottery are industries unknown to the Teduray. They used to wear hand-beaten bark cloth. Cotton material, particularly the sarong dress, only came in through trade activities. These articles were obtained by exchanging their rattan, almaciga, beeswax and tobacco.
Among the more populous settlements of the Teduray, internal trade goes on during market days. The traders are mainly menfolk, because the Teduray females are extremely shy and not much given to business transactions. It is they, however, who carry the barter products to the market for their husbands. Tobacco is the main crop cultivated for the barter market. But rice and corn are also grown, to be sold to buy basic needs such as knives, chickens and piglets.
Following an indigenous system of astronomy, the Teduray reckon the beginning of their swidden cycle by referring to the appearance of certain constellations in the night sky. By December or early January, swidden sites are ritually marked. Laborious clearing of the thick forest growth and cutting down of the big trees follows. All the menfolk of a settlement work on each household’s swidden site, until all the swidden are cleared and ready for burning by March or April. Corn and several varieties of rice are planted in the clearing with men and women working together. The women take charge of harvesting and storing the first corn in May or June and the first rice in August or September. The next phase is the planting of tobacco or a second crop of corn as well as more tubers, fruits, vegetables, spices and cotton.
Teduray upland farming is methodical, as are most other indigenous swidden methods. After harvest, the field will not be used until it has lain fallow for many years, so that the vital jungle vegetation may be reestablished.
The swidden cycle of the traditional Teduray is, in its essential stages and phases, similar to that of other slash and burn systems. Each year, each household selects and marks off an area of the forest where it intends to make a swidden. Working together as a team, the men in the neighborhood then move from one swidden to another, slashing away the undergrowth and felling trees. When the vegetative debris of the cutting operations is well dried, the site is burned. It is then planted, again cooperatively, with both men and women joining in the work. Corn is planted first on the swidden, then rice and then a large variety of non-grain crops. Finally, after the first corn and rice have been harvested, a second crop of corn is planted and an even greater number of vegetables, tubers, fruits and other plants. The multi-cropped swiddens are a rich source of food, and continue to yield long after the year’s cycle of work on them has ended and the family has begun to prepare another swidden in a different location in the forest. The former site is not worked again, however, but is allowed to return to forest. Traditional Teruray recognize very clearly the importance of the forest to their way of life, and carefully avoid over-exploitation practices which could lead to the forest’s being replaced by grasslands.
When the swidden fields have been planted to crops, there is not much work left for the menfolk except hunting, fishing and gathering food in the jungle. Aside from their skill at setting traps and snares, Teduray hunters are experts in using the blowgun, bow and arrow, spears and the homemade shotgun, this last weapon acquired after World War II.
Since ancient times, the Teduray have been known as skillful hunters and trappers. A total of 28 hunting methods have been recorded by Schlegel. The Teduray prepare their traps for deer and pig when their swidden crops have started growing on the hillside slopes, since the game are expected to come out of the forest to foray for food. The fresh shoots creeping out of a burnt clearing usually attracts the animals (Patanne 1977:511).
In recent years, the polarization of Teduray society into the traditional and the acculturated has been most pronounced in the differentiation of their subsistence systems. Two Teduray settlements were the basis for this observation by Schlegel. The first system, traditional swidden agriculture, characterizes the settlement of Figel, while the other, a peasant economy, describes the settlement of Kakaba-kaba. Schlegel describes the first as a system adapted to the tropical rainforest, consisting of slash and burn and shifting cultivation. It is augmented by hunting, fishing and food-gathering activities, and is only marginally dependent on trading with the coastal economy. He describes the second as consisting of plow farming in areas which have virtually lost the old forest cover with almost no exploitation of or dependence on forest resources and having an extensive involvement with the market economy of a rural lowland society (Schlegel 1979:164).
(Blogger’s note: This post is the sixth part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
Weaving, blacksmithing and pottery are industries unknown to the Teduray. They used to wear hand-beaten bark cloth. Cotton material, particularly the sarong dress, only came in through trade activities. These articles were obtained by exchanging their rattan, almaciga, beeswax and tobacco.
Among the more populous settlements of the Teduray, internal trade goes on during market days. The traders are mainly menfolk, because the Teduray females are extremely shy and not much given to business transactions. It is they, however, who carry the barter products to the market for their husbands. Tobacco is the main crop cultivated for the barter market. But rice and corn are also grown, to be sold to buy basic needs such as knives, chickens and piglets.
Following an indigenous system of astronomy, the Teduray reckon the beginning of their swidden cycle by referring to the appearance of certain constellations in the night sky. By December or early January, swidden sites are ritually marked. Laborious clearing of the thick forest growth and cutting down of the big trees follows. All the menfolk of a settlement work on each household’s swidden site, until all the swidden are cleared and ready for burning by March or April. Corn and several varieties of rice are planted in the clearing with men and women working together. The women take charge of harvesting and storing the first corn in May or June and the first rice in August or September. The next phase is the planting of tobacco or a second crop of corn as well as more tubers, fruits, vegetables, spices and cotton.
Teduray upland farming is methodical, as are most other indigenous swidden methods. After harvest, the field will not be used until it has lain fallow for many years, so that the vital jungle vegetation may be reestablished.
The swidden cycle of the traditional Teduray is, in its essential stages and phases, similar to that of other slash and burn systems. Each year, each household selects and marks off an area of the forest where it intends to make a swidden. Working together as a team, the men in the neighborhood then move from one swidden to another, slashing away the undergrowth and felling trees. When the vegetative debris of the cutting operations is well dried, the site is burned. It is then planted, again cooperatively, with both men and women joining in the work. Corn is planted first on the swidden, then rice and then a large variety of non-grain crops. Finally, after the first corn and rice have been harvested, a second crop of corn is planted and an even greater number of vegetables, tubers, fruits and other plants. The multi-cropped swiddens are a rich source of food, and continue to yield long after the year’s cycle of work on them has ended and the family has begun to prepare another swidden in a different location in the forest. The former site is not worked again, however, but is allowed to return to forest. Traditional Teruray recognize very clearly the importance of the forest to their way of life, and carefully avoid over-exploitation practices which could lead to the forest’s being replaced by grasslands.
When the swidden fields have been planted to crops, there is not much work left for the menfolk except hunting, fishing and gathering food in the jungle. Aside from their skill at setting traps and snares, Teduray hunters are experts in using the blowgun, bow and arrow, spears and the homemade shotgun, this last weapon acquired after World War II.
Since ancient times, the Teduray have been known as skillful hunters and trappers. A total of 28 hunting methods have been recorded by Schlegel. The Teduray prepare their traps for deer and pig when their swidden crops have started growing on the hillside slopes, since the game are expected to come out of the forest to foray for food. The fresh shoots creeping out of a burnt clearing usually attracts the animals (Patanne 1977:511).
In recent years, the polarization of Teduray society into the traditional and the acculturated has been most pronounced in the differentiation of their subsistence systems. Two Teduray settlements were the basis for this observation by Schlegel. The first system, traditional swidden agriculture, characterizes the settlement of Figel, while the other, a peasant economy, describes the settlement of Kakaba-kaba. Schlegel describes the first as a system adapted to the tropical rainforest, consisting of slash and burn and shifting cultivation. It is augmented by hunting, fishing and food-gathering activities, and is only marginally dependent on trading with the coastal economy. He describes the second as consisting of plow farming in areas which have virtually lost the old forest cover with almost no exploitation of or dependence on forest resources and having an extensive involvement with the market economy of a rural lowland society (Schlegel 1979:164).
(Blogger’s note: This post is the sixth part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
Sunday, November 9, 2014
Sultan Kudarat Kalimudan Festival 2014 Schedule
It's Kalimudan Festival, the foundation anniversary celebration of Sultan Kudarat Province. I've been googling for the complete schedule of activities because I heard there would be a hibag, or horsefighting, and I want to watch it. But I couldn't find any schedule online, which may mean that the tourism officials of my province aren't doing their damnedest best, so I decided to do it myself. I went to the capitol, took photos of the schedule printed in a large tarpaulin, and typed the whole thing. And here it is.
The horse fights drew a huge crowd, so some people had to watch atop the Ferris wheel.
October–November Weekends, 5 PM
Zumba, Capitol Lobby
Oct. 15–Nov. 30
Flea Market, Capitol Grounds
Oct. 15–Nov. 30
Carnival, Capitol Grounds
Oct. 15–Nov. 30
Interschool Basketball Tournament, Capitol Gym
Oct. 20–22
Photo Contest, Capitol Lobby
Oct. 27–31, Nov. 3–4, 9 AM
Interagency Volleyball Tournament, Capitol Gym
Nov. 3–22, 8 AM
Antiques Exhibit, Provincial Museum
Nov. 3–30
Agri Trade Fair, Municipal Booths
Nov. 6, 8 AM
Lumad day Cultural Presentation, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 6, 6 PM
Lumad Socials Night, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 6–9
Horse Fighting, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 6–10, 8 AM
Health and Therapy Clinic, Tourism Office
Nov. 7, 1 PM
Rock-rakan sa Kalimudan Elimination Round, SP Hall
Nov. 8–9, 8 AM
Regional Interschool Taekwondo Championship, Capitol Gym
Nov. 8–9, 9 AM
Bingo Socials, Capitol Gym
Nov. 11
Derby First Elimination 1, Pres. Quirino
Nov. 11, 8 AM
Cooperative Forum, Capitol Gym
Nov. 12
Retirees’ Homecoming, SP Hall
Nov. 12, 7 AM
Children’s Congress, Capitol Gym
Nov. 13, 8 AM
Regional Senior Citizens’ Day, Capitol Gym
Nov. 13, 6 PM
Search and Rescue (SAR) Olympics Opening Night, Capitol Lobby
Nov. 13
Derby Second Elimination 2; Brgy. Baras, Tacurong City
Nov. 13¬–16
Practical Shooting Competition (Level III), Pax Wali Shooting Range
Nov. 14, 6 AM
SAR Olympics Competition Proper, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 14, 6 PM
SK Schools Talent Night, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 14–15
Farm Family Congress, Capitol Gym
Nov. 14–16, 8 AM
Interschool Soccer Tournament (Kids), Capitol Grounds
Nov. 14–16, 10 AM
Invitational Veterans Double and Open Tennis Championship, Tennis Court
Nov. 15–16, 10 AM
National Darts Tournament, Capitol Basement
Nov. 15–16
Invitational Table Tennis Tournament, SKSU–Access
Nov. 15, 6 PM
Mutya ng Sultan Kudarat Talent Night, Capitol Lobby
Nov. 15
Derby Championship, Lambayong
Nov. 15
SAR Olympics Competition Proper, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 16
Mountain Bike Challenge, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 16, 1 PM
Team Ballroom and Hiphop Open Competition, Capitol Gym
Nov. 16, 6 PM
Search and Rescue Socials Night, Capitol Gym
Nov. 17–22, 8 AM
Tourism Booths Exhibit, Capitol Lobby
Nov. 17
6 AM: Float Parade
8 AM: Interfaith Service, Capitol Gym
9 AM: Opening Program, Capitol Gym
10 AM: Skydiving, Capitol Grounds
1 PM: High School Drum and Lyre Open Competition, Capitol Grounds
6 PM: Fiesta sa Nayon Opening Night, Field Stage
Laser Lights Show, Capitol Field
Musical Fireworks Display, Capitol Field
Nov. 18
8 AM: Jobs Fair, Capitol Lobby
6 PM: Mutya ng Sultan Kudarat Coronation, Capitol Gym
7 PM: Rock-rackan sa Kalimudan Finals, Field Stage
Nov. 19
8 AM: OFW Congress, Capitol Gym
6 PM: Disco sa Kalye
7 PM: GMA Kapuso Night with Marian Rivera, Capitol Gym
Nov. 19–22
Sipa sa Mangkis, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 20
5 PM: Singing Idol, Field Stage
6 PM: Mardi Gras, Capitol Gym
Nov. 21
6 AM: Color Fun Run, Capitol Grounds
7 AM: Elementary Drum and Lyre Open Competition, Capitol Grounds
8 AM: Youth Congress/SKULKBA, Capitol Gym
7 PM: Globe Night (Live Band Concert), Field Stage
7 PM: GMA Kapuso Showbiz Night with Regine Velasquez,
Rochelle Pangilinan and Kylie Padilla; Capitol Gym
Nov. 22
6 AM: Battle of Festivals Open Competition, Capitol Grounds
6 PM: Anniversary Session, Capitol Gym
Elected Officials’ Night, Capitol Gym
Closing Program, Capitol Gym
Spongecola Concert, Field Stage
Sexbomb Dancers, Gym/Field Stage
Zumba, Capitol Lobby
Oct. 15–Nov. 30
Flea Market, Capitol Grounds
Oct. 15–Nov. 30
Carnival, Capitol Grounds
Oct. 15–Nov. 30
Interschool Basketball Tournament, Capitol Gym
Oct. 20–22
Photo Contest, Capitol Lobby
Oct. 27–31, Nov. 3–4, 9 AM
Interagency Volleyball Tournament, Capitol Gym
Nov. 3–22, 8 AM
Antiques Exhibit, Provincial Museum
Nov. 3–30
Agri Trade Fair, Municipal Booths
Nov. 6, 8 AM
Lumad day Cultural Presentation, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 6, 6 PM
Lumad Socials Night, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 6–9
Horse Fighting, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 6–10, 8 AM
Health and Therapy Clinic, Tourism Office
Nov. 7, 1 PM
Rock-rakan sa Kalimudan Elimination Round, SP Hall
Nov. 8–9, 8 AM
Regional Interschool Taekwondo Championship, Capitol Gym
Nov. 8–9, 9 AM
Bingo Socials, Capitol Gym
Nov. 11
Derby First Elimination 1, Pres. Quirino
Nov. 11, 8 AM
Cooperative Forum, Capitol Gym
Nov. 12
Retirees’ Homecoming, SP Hall
Nov. 12, 7 AM
Children’s Congress, Capitol Gym
Nov. 13, 8 AM
Regional Senior Citizens’ Day, Capitol Gym
Nov. 13, 6 PM
Search and Rescue (SAR) Olympics Opening Night, Capitol Lobby
Nov. 13
Derby Second Elimination 2; Brgy. Baras, Tacurong City
Nov. 13¬–16
Practical Shooting Competition (Level III), Pax Wali Shooting Range
Nov. 14, 6 AM
SAR Olympics Competition Proper, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 14, 6 PM
SK Schools Talent Night, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 14–15
Farm Family Congress, Capitol Gym
Nov. 14–16, 8 AM
Interschool Soccer Tournament (Kids), Capitol Grounds
Nov. 14–16, 10 AM
Invitational Veterans Double and Open Tennis Championship, Tennis Court
Nov. 15–16, 10 AM
National Darts Tournament, Capitol Basement
Nov. 15–16
Invitational Table Tennis Tournament, SKSU–Access
Nov. 15, 6 PM
Mutya ng Sultan Kudarat Talent Night, Capitol Lobby
Nov. 15
Derby Championship, Lambayong
Nov. 15
SAR Olympics Competition Proper, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 16
Mountain Bike Challenge, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 16, 1 PM
Team Ballroom and Hiphop Open Competition, Capitol Gym
Nov. 16, 6 PM
Search and Rescue Socials Night, Capitol Gym
Nov. 17–22, 8 AM
Tourism Booths Exhibit, Capitol Lobby
Nov. 17
6 AM: Float Parade
8 AM: Interfaith Service, Capitol Gym
9 AM: Opening Program, Capitol Gym
10 AM: Skydiving, Capitol Grounds
1 PM: High School Drum and Lyre Open Competition, Capitol Grounds
6 PM: Fiesta sa Nayon Opening Night, Field Stage
Laser Lights Show, Capitol Field
Musical Fireworks Display, Capitol Field
Nov. 18
8 AM: Jobs Fair, Capitol Lobby
6 PM: Mutya ng Sultan Kudarat Coronation, Capitol Gym
7 PM: Rock-rackan sa Kalimudan Finals, Field Stage
Nov. 19
8 AM: OFW Congress, Capitol Gym
6 PM: Disco sa Kalye
7 PM: GMA Kapuso Night with Marian Rivera, Capitol Gym
Nov. 19–22
Sipa sa Mangkis, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 20
5 PM: Singing Idol, Field Stage
6 PM: Mardi Gras, Capitol Gym
Nov. 21
6 AM: Color Fun Run, Capitol Grounds
7 AM: Elementary Drum and Lyre Open Competition, Capitol Grounds
8 AM: Youth Congress/SKULKBA, Capitol Gym
7 PM: Globe Night (Live Band Concert), Field Stage
7 PM: GMA Kapuso Showbiz Night with Regine Velasquez,
Rochelle Pangilinan and Kylie Padilla; Capitol Gym
Nov. 22
6 AM: Battle of Festivals Open Competition, Capitol Grounds
6 PM: Anniversary Session, Capitol Gym
Elected Officials’ Night, Capitol Gym
Closing Program, Capitol Gym
Spongecola Concert, Field Stage
Sexbomb Dancers, Gym/Field Stage
Monday, November 3, 2014
The Teduray and Their Views on Land
Understanding the Teduray concept of land necessitates a deeper insight into their view on property or user rights. This can be gleaned from the Teduray word gefe, which roughly corresponds to having exclusive right over a particular item’s present use. According to Schlegel, to be gefe of something is when a person not only has an emotional or even economic interest in any object, person or even a ceremony, but also has a legitimate personal oversight.
This same concept applies to the use of land, in the sense of right of usufruct. A swidden belongs to a person who is gefe until after harvest time, during which the site is lain to fallow and that person is no longer gefe over the site. Once it has been publicly marked through community rituals, a land selected by an individual for swidden is free for his use.
For the Teduray, the right to use the swidden site is not hereditary. After a single cropping cycle, the site reverts to public domain and cannot be inherited by descendants. In this context, the Teduray concept of land utilization is inextricably linked with their concept of use-right.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the fifth part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
This same concept applies to the use of land, in the sense of right of usufruct. A swidden belongs to a person who is gefe until after harvest time, during which the site is lain to fallow and that person is no longer gefe over the site. Once it has been publicly marked through community rituals, a land selected by an individual for swidden is free for his use.
For the Teduray, the right to use the swidden site is not hereditary. After a single cropping cycle, the site reverts to public domain and cannot be inherited by descendants. In this context, the Teduray concept of land utilization is inextricably linked with their concept of use-right.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the fifth part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
Monday, October 27, 2014
Tales of Teduray Ancestors
Teduray literature includes myths, legends and animal stories. The myth of the creation centers on a female deity called Minaden who shaped the world and the first creatures in it. She fashioned humans from mud; after doing this, she placed the sun between the earth and the sky, which brought forth light.
The sky world was believed to be divided into eight layers; the topmost was occupied by Tulus or Meketefu, who was Minaden’s brother. The first two human beings created by Minaden began to grow, but after some time they did not beget any offspring. Meketefu came down from the sky world and saw that the male reproductive organ was as small as a tiny red pepper and that of the female was as big as a snail shell. Besides, their noses were created upside down; whenever it rained, their noses caught water and the two humans got sick.
Meketefu decided to create his own clay figures of man and woman. Using an old bolo, he struck the female figure, wounding her where the legs joined together. As he did so, the handle of the bolo flew off and struck the middle part of the male clay figure. He also turned their noses right side up, so they would not take in rainwater. Soon the two creatures were able to bring forth a child. But no food was available to nourish them and the child eventually died.
The father begged Meketefu to give them some soil. Much later, various types of vegetation sprouted from the plot of earth where the child was buried. One part of the plot gave forth plants and lime for chewing. The child’s umbilical cord came out as a rice stalk, the intestines were transformed into sweet potatoes, and the head became the tubers. The hand turned into bananas, the nails to nuts, the teeth to corn, the brains into lime, the bones into cassava and the ears into betel leaf. (Patanne 1977:256 and Wood 1957:15–16)
(Blogger’s note: This post is the fourth part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
The sky world was believed to be divided into eight layers; the topmost was occupied by Tulus or Meketefu, who was Minaden’s brother. The first two human beings created by Minaden began to grow, but after some time they did not beget any offspring. Meketefu came down from the sky world and saw that the male reproductive organ was as small as a tiny red pepper and that of the female was as big as a snail shell. Besides, their noses were created upside down; whenever it rained, their noses caught water and the two humans got sick.
Meketefu decided to create his own clay figures of man and woman. Using an old bolo, he struck the female figure, wounding her where the legs joined together. As he did so, the handle of the bolo flew off and struck the middle part of the male clay figure. He also turned their noses right side up, so they would not take in rainwater. Soon the two creatures were able to bring forth a child. But no food was available to nourish them and the child eventually died.
The father begged Meketefu to give them some soil. Much later, various types of vegetation sprouted from the plot of earth where the child was buried. One part of the plot gave forth plants and lime for chewing. The child’s umbilical cord came out as a rice stalk, the intestines were transformed into sweet potatoes, and the head became the tubers. The hand turned into bananas, the nails to nuts, the teeth to corn, the brains into lime, the bones into cassava and the ears into betel leaf. (Patanne 1977:256 and Wood 1957:15–16)
(Blogger’s note: This post is the fourth part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
Monday, October 20, 2014
The Teduray and Their Beliefs
According to the Teduray, the world was created by the female deity Minaden, who had a brother named Tulus, also called Meketefu or Sualla. Tulus is the chief of all the good spirits who bestow gifts and favors upon human beings. He goes around with a retinue of messengers called telaki.
The universe according to the Teduray is the abode of the various types of etew or people. There are visible ones, or the ke-ilawan (human beings); and the invisible ones, or the meginalew (spirits). The latter may be seen, but only by those in this world possessing special powers or charisma. It is believed that the spirits live in tribes and perform tasks in the other world.
While good spirits abound in the world, there are also bad spirits who are called busaw. They live mostly in caves and feed on the remoger (soul) of any hapless human being who falls into their trap. At all times, the Teduray, young and old, are aware that the busaw must be avoided, and this can be successfully done if one possesses charms and amulets. With the good spirits, it is always necessary and beneficial to maintain lines of communication. But the ordinary human beings cannot do this, and so the Teduray must rely on the beliyan or religious leader.
The beliyan has the power to see and communicate with the spirits. If a person falls ill, and the spirits need to be supplicated, the beliyan conducts a spiritual tiyawan with them. Human illness, in so far as the Teduray is concerned, is the consequence of an altercation or a misunderstanding between people and unseen spirits. Formal negotiations are needed to restore the person’s health and harmonious relationship with the spirits. In effect, the beliyan, as a mediator between spirits and human beings, is a specially gifted and powerful kefeduwan.
In an account within the late 19th century by Sigayan (the first Christianized Teduray, christened Jose Tenorio) the beliyan was described as a person who could talk directly to Tulus and even share a meal with him. The beliyan would gather people in a tenines, a small house where the shaman stored the ritual rice, and tell them about his or her communication with Tulus. The beliyan would dance with a wooden kris in the right hand, small, jingling bells hanging from the wrist, and a decorated wooden shield held in the other hand. The shaman made the men and women dance, for that was the only way the people could worship Tulus. The beliyan also prepared the ritual offerings to Tulus and played the togo, a small drum, for the supreme being.
The ancient belief in Tulus and other cosmological beings has remained. And so has the belief in the efficacy of charms and omens. These are particularly relevant in hunting activities of the Teduray whose basic talisman is the ungit. This is fashioned from several kinds of mystically powerful leaves and grasses wrapped with cloth and bound with vine lashing. This is handed on from father to son, down the line. The kinds of plants that make up the charm are strictly kept between father and son, as revealing this to just anybody will cause the charm to lose its potency. The hunter carries the ungit on his body and rubs it all over his dog and horse. The ungit is believed efficacious not only in snaring or catching game, but also in attracting women sexually. If so used, however, it loses its power as a hunting charm.
Omens rule the life of hunters, for these presage misfortune. A hunter will not proceed on a hunt if any of these occurs: he hears a person sneeze as he is about to set out; he hears the call of a small house lizard; or he has a bad dream in which he gets wounded, falls or dies. He will also give up the hunt if he sees the animal he intends to catch while he is setting up the trap.
Rituals to establish good relations with the spirits accompany each significant stage of the Teduray agricultural cycle. Four times within the year, all the households belonging to an inged participate in a community ritual feast known as kanduli. Feasting on food, particularly glutinous rice and hard-boiled eggs, and making ritual offerings to the spirits are two characteristics of the celebration. The preparations for the feast are generally done in the major settlement within the inged, which is also the focal point of all activities. In the preparation of the food, a significant ritual act is already performed; the exchange of portions of the glutinous rice among all the families. When it is time to consume the ritual food, a family would then be actually partaking of some of the rice that has come from every other family in the whole neighborhood. The community’s bonding is strengthened through the food exchange. The significance is further underscored by the fact that, in the course of the cultivation cycle, each family in the neighborhood had contributed its labor to each field on which rice was grown. These communal meals thus give ritual expression to their interdependence. (Schlegel 1968: 64–65)
The four kanduli rituals of the agricultural cycle are: mara, or marking festival, which is held on the night of the last full moon before the marking of the swidden sites for the coming cycle; retus kama, or festival of the first corn harvest from a neighborhood swidden; retus farey, or festival of the first rice harvest, which is celebrated on the night following the first harvest from a swidden; and matun tuda, or harvest festival, which is held on the night of the first full moon when the rice harvest from all of the settlement’s swidden has been collected.
The inged families prepare small bamboo tubes filled with glutinous rice, which they will offer to the spirits at the ritual marking of the first swidden site. Men and women of the neighborhood congregate at a clearing and proceed in single line, as gongs are played to where the first swidden for the year will be marked for burning. Arriving at the site, they set up a small platform where they lay down the tubes of glutinous rice. Everyone listens attentively to the omen call of the temugen bird, which is believed to have the power to convey messages between human beings and the spirits. The first ritual marking is meant as a song of respect for the spirits of the forest, seeking permission to begin cutting down the trees.
The owner of the field interprets the omen call. There are bad signs and good signs, depending on the direction of the call. There are four good directions: selat (front), tereneken (45 degrees left), lekas takes (45 degrees right) and rotor (directly overhead). Any other direction is considered bad. The ritual laying of the food and the wait for the omen call is repeated around the four corners of the swidden until a good omen is heard.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the third part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
The universe according to the Teduray is the abode of the various types of etew or people. There are visible ones, or the ke-ilawan (human beings); and the invisible ones, or the meginalew (spirits). The latter may be seen, but only by those in this world possessing special powers or charisma. It is believed that the spirits live in tribes and perform tasks in the other world.
While good spirits abound in the world, there are also bad spirits who are called busaw. They live mostly in caves and feed on the remoger (soul) of any hapless human being who falls into their trap. At all times, the Teduray, young and old, are aware that the busaw must be avoided, and this can be successfully done if one possesses charms and amulets. With the good spirits, it is always necessary and beneficial to maintain lines of communication. But the ordinary human beings cannot do this, and so the Teduray must rely on the beliyan or religious leader.
The beliyan has the power to see and communicate with the spirits. If a person falls ill, and the spirits need to be supplicated, the beliyan conducts a spiritual tiyawan with them. Human illness, in so far as the Teduray is concerned, is the consequence of an altercation or a misunderstanding between people and unseen spirits. Formal negotiations are needed to restore the person’s health and harmonious relationship with the spirits. In effect, the beliyan, as a mediator between spirits and human beings, is a specially gifted and powerful kefeduwan.
In an account within the late 19th century by Sigayan (the first Christianized Teduray, christened Jose Tenorio) the beliyan was described as a person who could talk directly to Tulus and even share a meal with him. The beliyan would gather people in a tenines, a small house where the shaman stored the ritual rice, and tell them about his or her communication with Tulus. The beliyan would dance with a wooden kris in the right hand, small, jingling bells hanging from the wrist, and a decorated wooden shield held in the other hand. The shaman made the men and women dance, for that was the only way the people could worship Tulus. The beliyan also prepared the ritual offerings to Tulus and played the togo, a small drum, for the supreme being.
The ancient belief in Tulus and other cosmological beings has remained. And so has the belief in the efficacy of charms and omens. These are particularly relevant in hunting activities of the Teduray whose basic talisman is the ungit. This is fashioned from several kinds of mystically powerful leaves and grasses wrapped with cloth and bound with vine lashing. This is handed on from father to son, down the line. The kinds of plants that make up the charm are strictly kept between father and son, as revealing this to just anybody will cause the charm to lose its potency. The hunter carries the ungit on his body and rubs it all over his dog and horse. The ungit is believed efficacious not only in snaring or catching game, but also in attracting women sexually. If so used, however, it loses its power as a hunting charm.
Omens rule the life of hunters, for these presage misfortune. A hunter will not proceed on a hunt if any of these occurs: he hears a person sneeze as he is about to set out; he hears the call of a small house lizard; or he has a bad dream in which he gets wounded, falls or dies. He will also give up the hunt if he sees the animal he intends to catch while he is setting up the trap.
Rituals to establish good relations with the spirits accompany each significant stage of the Teduray agricultural cycle. Four times within the year, all the households belonging to an inged participate in a community ritual feast known as kanduli. Feasting on food, particularly glutinous rice and hard-boiled eggs, and making ritual offerings to the spirits are two characteristics of the celebration. The preparations for the feast are generally done in the major settlement within the inged, which is also the focal point of all activities. In the preparation of the food, a significant ritual act is already performed; the exchange of portions of the glutinous rice among all the families. When it is time to consume the ritual food, a family would then be actually partaking of some of the rice that has come from every other family in the whole neighborhood. The community’s bonding is strengthened through the food exchange. The significance is further underscored by the fact that, in the course of the cultivation cycle, each family in the neighborhood had contributed its labor to each field on which rice was grown. These communal meals thus give ritual expression to their interdependence. (Schlegel 1968: 64–65)
The four kanduli rituals of the agricultural cycle are: mara, or marking festival, which is held on the night of the last full moon before the marking of the swidden sites for the coming cycle; retus kama, or festival of the first corn harvest from a neighborhood swidden; retus farey, or festival of the first rice harvest, which is celebrated on the night following the first harvest from a swidden; and matun tuda, or harvest festival, which is held on the night of the first full moon when the rice harvest from all of the settlement’s swidden has been collected.
The inged families prepare small bamboo tubes filled with glutinous rice, which they will offer to the spirits at the ritual marking of the first swidden site. Men and women of the neighborhood congregate at a clearing and proceed in single line, as gongs are played to where the first swidden for the year will be marked for burning. Arriving at the site, they set up a small platform where they lay down the tubes of glutinous rice. Everyone listens attentively to the omen call of the temugen bird, which is believed to have the power to convey messages between human beings and the spirits. The first ritual marking is meant as a song of respect for the spirits of the forest, seeking permission to begin cutting down the trees.
The owner of the field interprets the omen call. There are bad signs and good signs, depending on the direction of the call. There are four good directions: selat (front), tereneken (45 degrees left), lekas takes (45 degrees right) and rotor (directly overhead). Any other direction is considered bad. The ritual laying of the food and the wait for the omen call is repeated around the four corners of the swidden until a good omen is heard.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the third part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
Monday, October 13, 2014
The Teduray and Their History
The history of the Teduray is shared by the Maguindanao, as they were once one and the same people. These two peoples believe that they were descended from two brothers—Mamalo and Tabunaway.
During the Islamization of Mindanao, Mamalo the elder refused to be converted, while younger brother Tabunaway embraced the Islamic faith. With this major turning point in their lives, the brothers made a pact: Mamalo would go to the mountains, Tabunaway would make his living near the lowlands and delta of the big river now known as the Rio Grande, and their peoples would trade.
The brothers thus went their separate ways, with their respective followers. This happened around the 13th century. From the elder brother came the Teduray and from the younger brother came the Maguindanao.
Historically, institutionalized trading pacts did exist between the Teduray headsmen and the Maguindanao datus of the coastal area and valley. During the pre-Spanish period, a system of trade between the Teduray and the Maguindanao flourished. The former traded tobacco, beeswax, rattan, gutta percha (sap from the tree that the Teduray called tefedus, used as ingredient for insulation), almaciga and crops. The Maguindanao traded clothing materials, iron tools, and salt. This trading relationship may have originated from the early ties of these two peoples based on the legend.
Based on later developments, it seems that the Tedurays’ trading arrangement with the Maguindanao had inhibited the development of manufacturing among the Teduray. Very much unlike the other peoples in Mindanao, the Tedurays have no weaving, pottery or metal works. These basic needs were secured through the trading system with the Maguindanao.
Spanish influence in the area occupied by the Teduray came rather late. It was only sometime in the 19th century, towards the end of Spanish colonial rule in the Philippines, that the central government in Manila and the Roman Catholic church were able to establish a stronghold in Cotabato, when a Jesuit school and mission were built near Awang close to the mountain region. The Spaniards were able to convert a number of Tedurays to Catholicism.
The outbreak of war between the American occupation forces and the Muslim people of Mindanao in the early part of the 1900’s signaled the beginning of another phase of colonization. The Americans, through the efforts of a Philippine constabulary officer named Irving Edwards who had married a Teduray, built a school in Awang in 1916 and an agricultural school in Upi in 1919. The building of roads which ran into Teduray territory opened up the region to numerous lowland Christian settlers, mostly Ilocano and Visayan. Upi Valley became the site of many homesteads—a program the Americans introduced perhaps to “tame” Mindanao.
In time, many Tedurays were persuaded to give up their traditional slash and burn methods of cultivation and shifted to farming with plow and carabao. This was the beginning of the dichotomy in Teduray culture; many Teduray refused to be acculturated and retreated deeper into their ancestral mountain habitat, while others resettled in the Upi Valley and became peasants. Many of the resettled and modernized Teduray had been converted to Christianity as a result of years of evangelization work by American missionaries, Filipino clergy from Luzon, or profoundly westernized Tedurays (Schlegel 1970:9).
During the centuries of fighting between the Spaniards and the Moro people, some of the latter fled to the neighboring heights and joined the Tedurays there. The Spaniards and later the Americans sought to contain the Moro influence by making the Teduray Christian and sedentary through missions and schools and protected them with soldiery. They also established plantations along the coasts and used Teduray labor on them. Since 1900, Christian Filipinos, land speculators and logging interests have entered the Teduray uplands along with Chinese storekeepers in the valley.
Today the Teduray share a common fate with many ethnic peoples in Mindanao. The rapid change in their social and physical environment, brought about by the onslaught of different cultures, has changed their way of life. Tedurays who have settled in the valleys and maintained intense contact with both Christian and Muslim lowlanders have been assimilated. Their adoption of sedentary agriculture has necessarily drawn them deeper into the market and cash economy typical of the rural economy of the entire country.
Teduray peasants are rural, yet live in relation to market systems. (Krober 1948:284) Although they still have some loyalty to their distinctive ethnic identity, they have become constituent elements of some larger political integration. They usually must speak some language other than their own to get along in the larger social whole, of which their society is merely a part. Many of them have had formal education, and a number of them have settled in the cities and nearby provinces to seek greener pastures. Little by little, they are aspiring for leading roles in local governance, although they still constitute the constituency of those Maguindanao who have, through the years, made their presence felt in local politics.
A glaring contrast to the acculturated Teduray are those who refused to embrace these changes and were forced to go deeper in the mountains due to the onslaught of logging and other economic interests. These Teduray continue to practice and preserve the beliefs and culture that define their community.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the second part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
During the Islamization of Mindanao, Mamalo the elder refused to be converted, while younger brother Tabunaway embraced the Islamic faith. With this major turning point in their lives, the brothers made a pact: Mamalo would go to the mountains, Tabunaway would make his living near the lowlands and delta of the big river now known as the Rio Grande, and their peoples would trade.
The brothers thus went their separate ways, with their respective followers. This happened around the 13th century. From the elder brother came the Teduray and from the younger brother came the Maguindanao.
Historically, institutionalized trading pacts did exist between the Teduray headsmen and the Maguindanao datus of the coastal area and valley. During the pre-Spanish period, a system of trade between the Teduray and the Maguindanao flourished. The former traded tobacco, beeswax, rattan, gutta percha (sap from the tree that the Teduray called tefedus, used as ingredient for insulation), almaciga and crops. The Maguindanao traded clothing materials, iron tools, and salt. This trading relationship may have originated from the early ties of these two peoples based on the legend.
Based on later developments, it seems that the Tedurays’ trading arrangement with the Maguindanao had inhibited the development of manufacturing among the Teduray. Very much unlike the other peoples in Mindanao, the Tedurays have no weaving, pottery or metal works. These basic needs were secured through the trading system with the Maguindanao.
Spanish influence in the area occupied by the Teduray came rather late. It was only sometime in the 19th century, towards the end of Spanish colonial rule in the Philippines, that the central government in Manila and the Roman Catholic church were able to establish a stronghold in Cotabato, when a Jesuit school and mission were built near Awang close to the mountain region. The Spaniards were able to convert a number of Tedurays to Catholicism.
The outbreak of war between the American occupation forces and the Muslim people of Mindanao in the early part of the 1900’s signaled the beginning of another phase of colonization. The Americans, through the efforts of a Philippine constabulary officer named Irving Edwards who had married a Teduray, built a school in Awang in 1916 and an agricultural school in Upi in 1919. The building of roads which ran into Teduray territory opened up the region to numerous lowland Christian settlers, mostly Ilocano and Visayan. Upi Valley became the site of many homesteads—a program the Americans introduced perhaps to “tame” Mindanao.
In time, many Tedurays were persuaded to give up their traditional slash and burn methods of cultivation and shifted to farming with plow and carabao. This was the beginning of the dichotomy in Teduray culture; many Teduray refused to be acculturated and retreated deeper into their ancestral mountain habitat, while others resettled in the Upi Valley and became peasants. Many of the resettled and modernized Teduray had been converted to Christianity as a result of years of evangelization work by American missionaries, Filipino clergy from Luzon, or profoundly westernized Tedurays (Schlegel 1970:9).
During the centuries of fighting between the Spaniards and the Moro people, some of the latter fled to the neighboring heights and joined the Tedurays there. The Spaniards and later the Americans sought to contain the Moro influence by making the Teduray Christian and sedentary through missions and schools and protected them with soldiery. They also established plantations along the coasts and used Teduray labor on them. Since 1900, Christian Filipinos, land speculators and logging interests have entered the Teduray uplands along with Chinese storekeepers in the valley.
Today the Teduray share a common fate with many ethnic peoples in Mindanao. The rapid change in their social and physical environment, brought about by the onslaught of different cultures, has changed their way of life. Tedurays who have settled in the valleys and maintained intense contact with both Christian and Muslim lowlanders have been assimilated. Their adoption of sedentary agriculture has necessarily drawn them deeper into the market and cash economy typical of the rural economy of the entire country.
Teduray peasants are rural, yet live in relation to market systems. (Krober 1948:284) Although they still have some loyalty to their distinctive ethnic identity, they have become constituent elements of some larger political integration. They usually must speak some language other than their own to get along in the larger social whole, of which their society is merely a part. Many of them have had formal education, and a number of them have settled in the cities and nearby provinces to seek greener pastures. Little by little, they are aspiring for leading roles in local governance, although they still constitute the constituency of those Maguindanao who have, through the years, made their presence felt in local politics.
A glaring contrast to the acculturated Teduray are those who refused to embrace these changes and were forced to go deeper in the mountains due to the onslaught of logging and other economic interests. These Teduray continue to practice and preserve the beliefs and culture that define their community.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the second part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
Friday, October 10, 2014
October Updates
I am momentarily suspending my Photo Friday project. My hands are and will be full with some other tasks. I can’t find time to go out to take pictures, digitally crop or enhance them, and write about them. I’m not sure when I will resume the mini project. In January next year maybe.
As to my Monday posts, starting the first week of October 2014, I’m using again excerpts from Defending the Land, a book about the tribes in Mindanao that are working on their ancestral domain claims. This time, I’m using the section on the Teduray people. Most of the Teduray live in Maguindanao Province, but some of them are in the Municipality of Lebak, Sultan Kudarat Province, at the periphery of Kulaman Plateau.
The series is running for nine Mondays. After that, I might use the section of the book about the Maguindanao, for I found out that the specific Maguindano clan that is staking their ancestral domain claim is in the Minicipality of Bagumbayan, Sultan Kudarat Province, also on the periphery of the Kulaman Plateau.
So in the coming weeks, I can assure you only of one post per week. But I’ll post additional write-ups in case I find some topics that do not take much time and energy to write.
As to my Monday posts, starting the first week of October 2014, I’m using again excerpts from Defending the Land, a book about the tribes in Mindanao that are working on their ancestral domain claims. This time, I’m using the section on the Teduray people. Most of the Teduray live in Maguindanao Province, but some of them are in the Municipality of Lebak, Sultan Kudarat Province, at the periphery of Kulaman Plateau.
The series is running for nine Mondays. After that, I might use the section of the book about the Maguindanao, for I found out that the specific Maguindano clan that is staking their ancestral domain claim is in the Minicipality of Bagumbayan, Sultan Kudarat Province, also on the periphery of the Kulaman Plateau.
So in the coming weeks, I can assure you only of one post per week. But I’ll post additional write-ups in case I find some topics that do not take much time and energy to write.
Monday, October 6, 2014
The Teduray and Their Ancestral Domain
The Teduray are traditionally hill people of southwestern Mindanao. They originally lived in the upper portion of a river that drained into Cotabato.
Malay in physical features, with a dialect structurally related to those of the Malayo-Polynesian family (Schlegel 1970:5), the Tedurays call themselves etew teduray or Teduray people. But they also classify themselves according to their geographical location. The etew rotor are mountain people and the etew dogot, coastal people. The etew tran dwell along the embankment of Tran River and etew Ufi are those who live within and near the town center.
Historically, the traditional territory of the Teduray and Lambangian communities encompasses the area from Tuduk Tawan-tawan (now PC Hills [sic] in Cotabato City) down to the Slongon plain (Esteros–Tamontaka) to the Awang-Drikan mountain ranges in Datu Odin Sinsuat municipality; Dohon in Talayan; Firis in Maganoy, portions of Kawran in Ampatuan; and the entirety of Upi (north and south)—all in Maguindanao province. In addition, the Tedurays claim as their ancestral home Buayan in Esperanza and Binusugan in Lebak, both in the province of Sultan Kudarat.
This claim is based on the covenant made by Mamalo and Tabunaway, believed to have been done after the coming of Shariph Mohamad Kabunsuan in the twelfth century. The covenant was sacred and binding, and was thus strictly followed by the descendants of Mamalo, who remained as indigenous people or Lumads, and those of Tabunaway, who embraced Islam.
The Mamalo Descendants Organization filed their petition for the recognition of their ancestral domain for an approximate area of 57,850 hectares on February 15, 1996. Twenty-five community organizations of the Teduray and Lambangian groupings in the municipalities of North and South Upi in Maguindanao filed the claim, constituting only about ten percent (10%) of their traditional territory.
The Tedurays and Lambangians who constitute the leadership of the Mamalo Descendants Organization assert that they and their ancestors have lived in North and South Upi, Maguindanao since anyone of them can remember. The territory included natural and traditionally recognized boundaries, starting with Sitios Lantang and Keguko of Barangay Meteber in the south to Tuka Rubong of Barangay Resa in the west; from Tuka Rubong to Barangay Lagitan in the north, to Sitio Kenekar in the east; and finally back to Barangay Meteber in the south.
The ancestral domain is still rich in natural resources such as forests and minerals. But continued exploitation by big landlords and business concessions granted permits for mining operations may eradicate all these in time. For generations, the national government has exacted revenues from this extractive practice. Yet these profits were never translated into programs for consistent and efficient delivery of basic services to the Tedurays and Lambangian people.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the first part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
Malay in physical features, with a dialect structurally related to those of the Malayo-Polynesian family (Schlegel 1970:5), the Tedurays call themselves etew teduray or Teduray people. But they also classify themselves according to their geographical location. The etew rotor are mountain people and the etew dogot, coastal people. The etew tran dwell along the embankment of Tran River and etew Ufi are those who live within and near the town center.
Historically, the traditional territory of the Teduray and Lambangian communities encompasses the area from Tuduk Tawan-tawan (now PC Hills [sic] in Cotabato City) down to the Slongon plain (Esteros–Tamontaka) to the Awang-Drikan mountain ranges in Datu Odin Sinsuat municipality; Dohon in Talayan; Firis in Maganoy, portions of Kawran in Ampatuan; and the entirety of Upi (north and south)—all in Maguindanao province. In addition, the Tedurays claim as their ancestral home Buayan in Esperanza and Binusugan in Lebak, both in the province of Sultan Kudarat.
This claim is based on the covenant made by Mamalo and Tabunaway, believed to have been done after the coming of Shariph Mohamad Kabunsuan in the twelfth century. The covenant was sacred and binding, and was thus strictly followed by the descendants of Mamalo, who remained as indigenous people or Lumads, and those of Tabunaway, who embraced Islam.
The Mamalo Descendants Organization filed their petition for the recognition of their ancestral domain for an approximate area of 57,850 hectares on February 15, 1996. Twenty-five community organizations of the Teduray and Lambangian groupings in the municipalities of North and South Upi in Maguindanao filed the claim, constituting only about ten percent (10%) of their traditional territory.
The Tedurays and Lambangians who constitute the leadership of the Mamalo Descendants Organization assert that they and their ancestors have lived in North and South Upi, Maguindanao since anyone of them can remember. The territory included natural and traditionally recognized boundaries, starting with Sitios Lantang and Keguko of Barangay Meteber in the south to Tuka Rubong of Barangay Resa in the west; from Tuka Rubong to Barangay Lagitan in the north, to Sitio Kenekar in the east; and finally back to Barangay Meteber in the south.
The ancestral domain is still rich in natural resources such as forests and minerals. But continued exploitation by big landlords and business concessions granted permits for mining operations may eradicate all these in time. For generations, the national government has exacted revenues from this extractive practice. Yet these profits were never translated into programs for consistent and efficient delivery of basic services to the Tedurays and Lambangian people.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the first part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
Friday, October 3, 2014
Where the Sky Is Seldom Blue
Wherever you are in Kulaman Plateau, you will never lack for scenic views to take photos of. The only thing that can be frustrating is that you rarely get bright sunlight, causing your photos to look dull and gloomy. Or at least for amateur photographers like me. Perhaps if you’re skilled enough and you have state-of-the-art equipment, your photos will come out the way you want them to be regardless of the weather.
Most of the time, the weather in the plateau is cloudy. Expect rain to fall at least four or five times a week. In many parts of the plateau, especially the most elevated ones, wind doesn’t seem to stop blowing. A jacket is an essential part of one’s wardrobe here. I actually wear one every day and for most of the day, though most of the other locals only wear theirs when it’s raining or particularly windy. For the wash to be completely dry, usually you have to hang it on a clothesline for at least two days.
I’m posting today two photos that I think would have been more stunning had there been bright sunlight when I took them. I took one in a fallow rice field recently and the other on the way to Ilyan Hill about a year and a half ago. I didn’t fully realize the effect of a clear blue sky to a photo until I took a shot of our marang tree in the yard one sunny day. One fruit was something like Siamese twins; the stems and the globed fruits were joined as though they were sharing a heart or a brain. That was what I wanted to capture. But what fascinated me more was the sky in the background. It was so blue that it intensified the colors of the other objects in the photo. I had a photo of the same tree days before, and it was taken in an almost similar angle, so I looked for it and compared it to the newer photo. I combined the photos and posted the output here, in addition to the two photos mentioned previously, so that you can see the difference for yourself.
I guess you can never have everything, or you should grab every chance that you can have everything. From now on, whenever I see the sky blue and clear, I’ll drop everything, get my camera, and shoot the scenic views around me. I hope to give you much more beautiful photos in future posts.
Most of the time, the weather in the plateau is cloudy. Expect rain to fall at least four or five times a week. In many parts of the plateau, especially the most elevated ones, wind doesn’t seem to stop blowing. A jacket is an essential part of one’s wardrobe here. I actually wear one every day and for most of the day, though most of the other locals only wear theirs when it’s raining or particularly windy. For the wash to be completely dry, usually you have to hang it on a clothesline for at least two days.
I’m posting today two photos that I think would have been more stunning had there been bright sunlight when I took them. I took one in a fallow rice field recently and the other on the way to Ilyan Hill about a year and a half ago. I didn’t fully realize the effect of a clear blue sky to a photo until I took a shot of our marang tree in the yard one sunny day. One fruit was something like Siamese twins; the stems and the globed fruits were joined as though they were sharing a heart or a brain. That was what I wanted to capture. But what fascinated me more was the sky in the background. It was so blue that it intensified the colors of the other objects in the photo. I had a photo of the same tree days before, and it was taken in an almost similar angle, so I looked for it and compared it to the newer photo. I combined the photos and posted the output here, in addition to the two photos mentioned previously, so that you can see the difference for yourself.
I guess you can never have everything, or you should grab every chance that you can have everything. From now on, whenever I see the sky blue and clear, I’ll drop everything, get my camera, and shoot the scenic views around me. I hope to give you much more beautiful photos in future posts.
A bird perches on a makeshift stand, where a person stays to guard the rice field against sparrows. The rice field is normally surrounded by a string. When sparrows come near to feed on the grains, the guard pulls the string, causing the crude streamers attached to it to shake and scare the birds away.
My brother (in blue pants) and his classmate when the three of us trekked up Ilyan Hill, more than a year ago
The marang tree in our yard. Notice the difference a bright sunlight makes.
Monday, September 29, 2014
Deadly Horse Meat
Horses are a common sight in Kulaman Plateau. In a primarily agricultural town with inadequately developed farm-to-market roads, farmers often rely on horses to transport produce.
In April this year, seven people died and more than a hundred got sick in Kulaman Plateau due to eating probably contaminated horse meat. I learned the news soon after it came out in several websites, but I was only able to read more about it recently. As far as my research is concerned, the case remains a mystery as of this writing.
From reading the news articles about the case, I discovered some interesting things, both directly and indirectly related to the case. First is that the lede, or introductory paragraph, of most of the articles is confusing. It’s not clear from them what occurred on Wednesday, April 2, 2014—the deaths or the consumption of horse meat. Based on several online sources, let me narrate what happened in chronological order and identify for you which of the facts are established:
From reading the news articles about the case, I discovered some interesting things, both directly and indirectly related to the case. First is that the lede, or introductory paragraph, of most of the articles is confusing. It’s not clear from them what occurred on Wednesday, April 2, 2014—the deaths or the consumption of horse meat. Based on several online sources, let me narrate what happened in chronological order and identify for you which of the facts are established:
April 2
Sixteen residents of Sitio Parreño, Barangay Tinalon, were rushed to the municipal hospital of Senator Ninoy Aquino (SNA). They showed “symptoms of food poisoning”: severe headache, vomiting, stomach pain, diarrhea. They had eaten horse meat. The meat was “double dead,” which means that the animals were already dead when they were butchered.
It’s not clear how many horses died and were eaten; one report states that there were four dead horses, another states five, and others state “several.” It’s not also clear when exactly the victims consumed the meat—possibly on April 2 or the day before.
Because the municipal hospital “lacked nurses, oxygen and medicine” (with which I’m not surprised), the sixteen patients were transferred to the provincial hospital, in the municipality of Isulan.
April 3
Sources from the provincial hospital told Mindanews that five victims had died. It’s not clear if all the victims died in the provincial hospital or some of them died in SNA.
April 4So what was the real cause of the tragedy? As mentioned earlier, the mystery has not been resolved. Next Monday, I’ll share with you some of my thoughts on the issue. I’m doubtful about the viral infection angle, but I don’t have enough knowledge on medicine, so what I have to say about that matter isn’t significant. But I believe I have some interesting things to say about the practice of eating horse meat here in Kulaman Plateau. Hint: No, I am not against killing horses.
According to the Philippine Star, sources from SNA told Bombo Radyo that four had died. The report states the names of the victims, but it’s not clear if all the victims died in the provincial hospital or some of them died in SNA.
April 6
According to ABS-CBN, sources from the provincial agriculture office told Philippine Star that “at least 70 more” residents of Brgy. Tinalon got sick, bringing the total number of victims to more than a hundred. The report states that four of the victims has died. The report also states that the veterinarians “expressed belief the horse’s meat might have been infected with a viral disease.” This was the first instance that a possible viral infection came into the picture.
May 14
Interaksyon reported that the regional health office had sent blood samples of the victims to laboratories in the US and Japan to help determine what caused their deaths. The report states that seven people died.
Interaksyon, the companion website of TV5, posted an erroneous map. The map is that of Sultan Kudarat town, Maguindanao Province. The horse meat poisoning happened here in Senator Ninoy Aquino town, Sultan Kudarat Province.
Friday, September 26, 2014
How the Plateau Connects with the Plains
We subscribe to Cignal, the most commonly used satellite TV provider here in the plateau. The brand irks me because it is often confused with the word signal. I have no major issues with its service, though. If memory serves me right, the package (a satellite dish, a box that looks like a CD player, cables, and a remote control) cost P3,999 and came with a four-month subscription. After that, we had to pay for the monthly subscription, the price of which depends on the number of channels you want. We subscribe to the cheapest package; for 300, we get to let all local channels kill our brain cells. It also has Al Jazeera and Korea’s Channel M.
Forget about climbing a coconut tree to find a cellphone signal. Here we do it atop cropped bamboo trunks. Locals call such a spot “signalan” or “texter’s zone.”
Monday, September 22, 2014
Logo for the Portal
I’m no graphic designer, and I have no aspiration to be one, so of course, the logo I’ve created isn’t much to look at. Not Olympics-worthy. But I’m pleased with myself. For this blog, I was again forced to be more creative, to do something I usually don’t dare to do, just like what happened when I had to draw the burial jars in the Silliman University Anthropological Museum because picture taking was not allowed (or, more accurately, because the surveillance camera was right above the jars).
The logo is really nothing more than the letter P inside three circles whose sides touch at some points. The letter stands of course for portal and plateau. I didn’t use two P’s or PTTP (for Portal to the Plateau) because it would be more work for me. I felt that the more complex the design, the greater my chance of screwing up. The simpler the better, as the cliché goes.
Don’t ask me what the three circles mean. They don’t freaking mean anything. The shape does not represent cycle of life, the world, or similar stuff. The number of circles does not represent a number of places, persons, or tribes. They’re there for aesthetic purposes. While I’m at it, let me tell you that the color, likewise, has no particular significance. I used red to match the dominant color of the layout of this blog, and I chose this design template because this seems to be the most “tribal” among the templates Blogger offers.
Using the logo, I also created a masthead (or a Facebook cover photo, though I didn’t bother to check if the size is appropriate). For the URL, I used the font MV Boli, which I’ve been using recently to mark the photos in this blog. I want to use Longfoot in Pixlr.com, but the font seems to be exclusive only to the website, and as I’ve told you in my previous posts, I’m back here in Kulaman Plateau, where there’s no reliable Internet connection. So I mark my photos now using MV Boli, which is available in Microsoft products and in PhotoScape, a free and downloadable photo editing software.
I’m not changing yet the header of this blog. For the meantime, I’m using the logo and the masthead for posts and pages only. If ever I change the header, I might incorporate the image of Ilyan Hill that I manipulated using PhotoScape. It’s a red silhouette of the mystical hill, and I also spent two hours tinkering with the original image. It took that long because I was just starting to explore the software. Again, it wasn’t time wasted. I think no matter the output, the time I spend for this blog is never time wasted.
Friday, September 19, 2014
My Mother’s Garden
The cold climate of Kulaman Plateau allows the people in it to grow almost any kind of flower. My mother is one of those people who take advantage of the opportunity. In almost every house we’ve lived (we’ve moved three or four times just within our village), she would always turn the front yard into a flower garden. Heck, even the backyard.
My mother loves working the earth. It’s her garden that she tends to first thing in the morning. She studied agricultural economics, in fact, but by some twist of fate winded up a high school principal.
I’ve never lent a hand in weeding or landscaping the garden because the remnant of my old obsessive-compulsive self hates getting my hands dirty, but whenever I go back home and bum around, some people ask me if it’s the garden I get myself busy with. I politely and truthfully answer no. In fact, I began to appreciate the flowers in our yard just recently. I would barely glance at the garden before. Now, whenever I find time in my hands, I take photos of the flowers.
Below are some of my photos. Red anthuriums occupy more than half of the garden, but I find the purple and lavender flowers more attractive, so I chose the photos of the latter.
Monday, September 15, 2014
The Mellifluous Manobo Language
You don’t need to come here in Kulaman Plateau to hear the Dulangan Manobo speak in their own tongue. There are recordings of the language available online. One is in Youtube, and as you can see, I embedded the video in this post. Looking at the thumbnail, you might think that the video is an animated clip. It’s not. It’s just an audio recording with an accompanying still image.
I searched for the English transcript of the recording, but I wasn’t able to find any. I also searched for the English and Filipino versions of the video, but I wasn’t able to find an exact match. However, there are many similar Youtube videos from the same uploader. They were all created to help spread the story of Jesus in different parts of the world. When I listened to the video above, I immediately recognized Nemula, which is the Dulangan Manobo term for God.
Though I can’t fully understand the video, it led me to something much more helpful. Global Recordings Network has a set of audio Bible stories with corresponding scripts—in English! The organization produces, among other materials, audio recordings “that are designed for evangelism and basic Bible teaching to bring the gospel message to people who are not literate or are from oral cultures.” The recordings have a combined length of 27 minutes and 15 seconds. Each of the eight stories run only for a little more than three minutes and can be downloaded.
If you want to learn further the Dulangan Manobo language, you may check out the resources that I featured in this blog almost two years ago. The materials are from the website of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, and included is a book that has translations of Manobo words in Visayan, Tagalog, and English. Dutu a de (good-bye) for now!
Friday, September 12, 2014
Where to Buy Kulaman Coffee
The official outlet of BrownCup Kulaman Coffee, in Barangay Poblacion, Municipality of Senator Ninoy Aquino. The “take-home” center is just along the national highway to Lebak town; you don’t have to go inside the poblacion. Across the store is an open area where heavy equipment from the provincial capitol is usually parked. Also nearby is Seaoil gasoline station.
The smallest pack, containing 100 grams of ground coffee, is P40 each (P45 in some resale stores). Gacayan General Merchandise manufactures BrownCup coffee. For orders and inquiries, contact 0929-462-6173 or gacayancoffee@yahoo.com.
As far as I know, BrownCup is so far the only Kulaman Coffee trademark. Kudos to whoever designed the tasteful logo. Maybe someday I'll also create my own brand.
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