(Blogger’s note: The following is an excerpt from Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao, specifically pp. 114–17. The publishers welcome and even encourage the reproduction of the book in part or in its entirety, so I am posting this excerpt here without prior permission. Not a single word has been changed, and the style of the text as they appear on the book has been preserved. For citation details about the book, see Webliography.)
The Moro sultanate tradition strongly influenced the social and political order of the Dulangan Manobos of Lebak. However, in the modification of their traditional systems, hierarchical representation is not too evident among Dulangans as compared to the Moro socio-political system.
The Sultan functions as the supreme leader of the territory. With him are tribal council members who are mostly Datus or elders representing a community or clan. A regular consultation between the Sultan and his coordinates (Antang-antang) also takes place, where everyone confers to reach a moral decision concerning highly complicated cases of clan or tribal conflict. The sultan, together with the tribal council, may make and amend laws. But without the final approval of the Sultan, all resolutions are null and void. He also serves as the highest judiciary, especially in resolving complex cases of conflict.
Famous traditional leaders of Dulangan Manobo in Mebo and Abogado include Datus Tamyeg, Glet, Uba, Sultan Suyuy Uba and Sultan Kandi Uba. In Bagayan, famous leaders are Sultans Kadayunan, Agat, Tunas and Kulam, who ruled in succession and reigned successfully in their communities. Sultans Liwas Bungo, Tuna, Salita, Apis and Datu Dewig, are also famous tribal leaders of Megaga.
The political function of the Datu or Lukes centers on the implementation of the edicts and administration of power. A Datu or Lukes may likewise perform specific functions in the community.
Another practice noted among the Dulangan Manobos of Lebak is their inclinations to violent means of resolving conflicts. As traditional headhunters, they wage “pangayaw” (tribal wars or headhunting expeditions) to defend their communities against transgression of honor and dignity, and from humiliation and disgrace. As in most cases, these often arise from failed agreements such as in marriage, trade and politics.
The Kulaman Manobos are generally peace loving, friendly, respectful, loving and communitarian people. With such traits, they hardly ever come into conflict with others, even with the Christians in the area. It was their attempt to live in peace and avoidance of conflict that made them move on to higher grounds when settlers arrived in the early 70’s.
Still, some infractions of ethical behavior or normal relationships arise, common of which are coveting another man’s wife, theft, wounding or killing, and land conflict between a Manobo and non-Manobo. Such infractions usually get the attention of the Sultan or datu who tries to settle the problem by bringing the parties together to arrive at some solution.
The penalty for a minor infraction is a multa or fine, consisting of some amount of money or some property, such as a carabo, horse or agong. The amount of money or the number of items to be paid depends on the gravity of the offense.
In the case of an offense involving the abduction of a wife, the woman has to choose between her lover and the husband. If she chooses the former, her family has to return the entire quantity of the dowry to the husband and refunds the expenses incurred during the wedding celebration.
There is no divorce among the Manobos, in the strict sense of the term, although a couple may separate and marry another. The male may have two or three wives at the same time, but the female can only have one husband, until she decides to leave him for another.
Disrespect for elders is punishable under the Manobos’ judicial system.
In a minor offense such as stealing from a relative for emergency use, the culprit can explain the nature of the crime and ask apology from the victim.
Serious offenses such as killing and repetition of the same offense are punishable with death. The offended party may kill the offender with a bow and arrow or by any means within his power. However, such penalty seldom happens as they try to avoid committing the offense.
In seeking grievances, the offended party informs the sultan or datu of the place where the offender resides where he committed the offense. The sultan or datu asks the presence of the offender and verifies the complaint and its nature. He will call the parents of the offender, ask them to help settle the matter in an amicable atmosphere, and then imposes the sanction on the offender.
If the offender resides in a place other than where the offense occurred, the datu where the offended party resides informs the offender about the complaint. The two datus of both places will sit down in an antang-antang (conference) in the presence of both parties to discuss and resolve the matter at hand. At times, the Datu of the place where the offender resides takes into custody the offender for his safety.
They do not bring this matter to the attention of the civil authorities composed mostly of Christian settlers, unless one of the parties is a non-Manobo. In a Manobo-Christian conflict, the judicial system of the Christian may apply, as the Christian may not subscribe to the Manobo judicial system.
Monday, January 27, 2014
Monday, January 20, 2014
Beliefs and Practices of the Dulangan Manobo
(Blogger’s note: The following is an excerpt from Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao, specifically pp. 112–14. The publishers welcome and even encourage the reproduction of the book in part or in its entirety, so I am posting this excerpt here without prior permission. Not a single word has been changed, and the style of the text as they appear on the book has been preserved. For citation details about the book, see Webliography.)
Datu Tunas Kulam of Lebak Sultan Kudarat says that the Dulangan Manobos believe in a Supreme God who created all things including man. This god is called Namula. There are other gods besides Namula: the effi, who are good supernaturals and the owners of the forests, the Babae Pongalubing, the Babae Bugkoglukos, the Kabingebinge, the busao—all of whom are allegedly evil by nature. They all inhabit the earth, except for Namula who inhabits the sky.
The gods communicate with mortal men through dreams, although some special people have been endowed with gifts for communicating with the gods. These are the balyan. (Gloria, 1997, p. 170–2)
Unlike the clans in Lebak, the Manobos of Kulaman are not familiar with the above facts on Manobo gods, and may have lost track of their ancient beliefs. This may be due to their long contact with the Christian settlers in the municipality or with their loss of contact with other Manobos in nearby municipalities such as Lebak.
Unlike many Lumads, the Manobos believe in the existence of the soul and of life after death. They believe that the good souls pass through a narrow path guarded by a deity called Boy Baya who guides the soul to a place of eternal happiness.
The bad soul, will pass though a wider path guarded by Datu Pangading, the equivalent to Satan who guides the soul to an evil place called Bop Mlow. This place has eternal boiling water that torments the bad souls.
The Manobos of Sitio Bagsing, Baranagay Gapok, Kulaman, Sultan Kudarat cling to their old customs and traditions. They still believe that good souls go on to Baya, while the bad ones to Moyar Kling or Afitan (hell). They have no deity to pray to and they live by the basic moral code of not doing evil to their fellow Lumads.
The natives consider most caves (Takob or Ilib) as sacred grounds. They believe that a deity named Batua (king of fairies) guard these caves. Noted caves are Makyumang in Barangay Bulalawan and the Ilib Masabak.
The Kulaman burial practice is done by storing their dead in a hollow trunk of a tree. They scoop away the middle portion where they deposit the body. The other half covers the corpse. Pasting the joints with camote tops and ashes prevent the foul smell from leaking. A future burial may be done after several weeks, months or even years. Often, mass burial of a dozen or more bodies at the same time and in the same grave takes place.
Such burials have now become an occasion to hold a long celebration by the community. Playing musical instruments, dancing, singing, and even gambling, cockfighting and drinking take place in the celebration. The gambling may be an occasion to raise funds to cover the expenses of the gathering. The celebration may last for a week or a month depending on the wishes of the dead person’s relatives and on the reputation of the dead.
It is noteworthy that the Manobos do not even pray for the repose of the soul of the dead as Christians do. They assume that the soul goes either to Boy Baya where the good souls go or to Bop Mlow, the domain of the bad soul. The destination depends on how the people lived while on earth.
In contemporary times, some barangay or sitio residents bury their dead in the site chosen for the purpose by the sitio or barangay officials, obviously an influence of the Christian practice. Still some others bury their dead in a day or two, in the same site where the person dies. A makeshift box serves as coffin. Among economically distressed families, wrapping the dead with an ordinary mat will do.
The Manobos of Baranagay Sewod still practice their ancient customs and traditions. They still keep their dead in hollow trunks of trees and keep them there for a long time before burying them.
Traditional healing sessions are customarily practiced not only among Dulangan Manobos but among other tribes all over Mindanao. These consist of a preparation of a local concoction of rice and egg placed inside a bowl, known as langa. The lukes recite prayers before incense and ask the deities for the quick recovery of an ailing individual.
The Dulangan Manobos of Lebak worship a pantheon of deities and perform rituals based on their beliefs. They believe in Namola as the supreme deity who created the earth. Deities are guardian spirits of the essential elements on earth to which the natives can relate.
Datu Tunas Kulam of Lebak Sultan Kudarat says that the Dulangan Manobos believe in a Supreme God who created all things including man. This god is called Namula. There are other gods besides Namula: the effi, who are good supernaturals and the owners of the forests, the Babae Pongalubing, the Babae Bugkoglukos, the Kabingebinge, the busao—all of whom are allegedly evil by nature. They all inhabit the earth, except for Namula who inhabits the sky.
The gods communicate with mortal men through dreams, although some special people have been endowed with gifts for communicating with the gods. These are the balyan. (Gloria, 1997, p. 170–2)
Unlike the clans in Lebak, the Manobos of Kulaman are not familiar with the above facts on Manobo gods, and may have lost track of their ancient beliefs. This may be due to their long contact with the Christian settlers in the municipality or with their loss of contact with other Manobos in nearby municipalities such as Lebak.
Unlike many Lumads, the Manobos believe in the existence of the soul and of life after death. They believe that the good souls pass through a narrow path guarded by a deity called Boy Baya who guides the soul to a place of eternal happiness.
The bad soul, will pass though a wider path guarded by Datu Pangading, the equivalent to Satan who guides the soul to an evil place called Bop Mlow. This place has eternal boiling water that torments the bad souls.
The Manobos of Sitio Bagsing, Baranagay Gapok, Kulaman, Sultan Kudarat cling to their old customs and traditions. They still believe that good souls go on to Baya, while the bad ones to Moyar Kling or Afitan (hell). They have no deity to pray to and they live by the basic moral code of not doing evil to their fellow Lumads.
The natives consider most caves (Takob or Ilib) as sacred grounds. They believe that a deity named Batua (king of fairies) guard these caves. Noted caves are Makyumang in Barangay Bulalawan and the Ilib Masabak.
The Kulaman burial practice is done by storing their dead in a hollow trunk of a tree. They scoop away the middle portion where they deposit the body. The other half covers the corpse. Pasting the joints with camote tops and ashes prevent the foul smell from leaking. A future burial may be done after several weeks, months or even years. Often, mass burial of a dozen or more bodies at the same time and in the same grave takes place.
Such burials have now become an occasion to hold a long celebration by the community. Playing musical instruments, dancing, singing, and even gambling, cockfighting and drinking take place in the celebration. The gambling may be an occasion to raise funds to cover the expenses of the gathering. The celebration may last for a week or a month depending on the wishes of the dead person’s relatives and on the reputation of the dead.
It is noteworthy that the Manobos do not even pray for the repose of the soul of the dead as Christians do. They assume that the soul goes either to Boy Baya where the good souls go or to Bop Mlow, the domain of the bad soul. The destination depends on how the people lived while on earth.
In contemporary times, some barangay or sitio residents bury their dead in the site chosen for the purpose by the sitio or barangay officials, obviously an influence of the Christian practice. Still some others bury their dead in a day or two, in the same site where the person dies. A makeshift box serves as coffin. Among economically distressed families, wrapping the dead with an ordinary mat will do.
The Manobos of Baranagay Sewod still practice their ancient customs and traditions. They still keep their dead in hollow trunks of trees and keep them there for a long time before burying them.
Traditional healing sessions are customarily practiced not only among Dulangan Manobos but among other tribes all over Mindanao. These consist of a preparation of a local concoction of rice and egg placed inside a bowl, known as langa. The lukes recite prayers before incense and ask the deities for the quick recovery of an ailing individual.
The Dulangan Manobos of Lebak worship a pantheon of deities and perform rituals based on their beliefs. They believe in Namola as the supreme deity who created the earth. Deities are guardian spirits of the essential elements on earth to which the natives can relate.
Monday, January 13, 2014
Kinship and Social Ties of the Dulangan Manobo
(Blogger’s note: The following is an excerpt from Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao, specifically pp. 111–12. The publishers welcome and even encourage the reproduction of the book in part or in its entirety, so I am posting this excerpt here without prior permission. Not a single word has been changed, and the style of the text as they appear on the book has been preserved. For citation details about the book, see Webliography.)
Marital arrangements among the Kulaman Manobos are similar to those of other Lumad and Moro tribes, but they mostly differ in wedding rite practices.
The Kulaman Dulangan Manobo parents arrange the future marital alliances of the offspring—be they adolescents or as young as five years old. They may pair a little girl with an older male, married or unmarried. This explains why Manobas hardly reach fourth year high school, if they ever go to school. Many times, girls simply drop school in the middle of their second year to marry their betrothed.
A balyan or a datu traditionally officiates the wedding. Today, however, with the balyan getting less recognized and functional, marriages are commonly officiated by the datu. The datu also acts as an antang-antang for the setting of the dowry consisting of a few heads of horses, carabaos, agongs, kampilan, spears, and a mosquito net. The number of items depends on the capacity of the groom’s party to pay.
The datu or some relatives of the groom may offer to give items that the groom’s family can not afford. The groom becomes indebted to both the datu and the relatives and promises to pay in the future. Otherwise, he volunteers to perform tasks in the household of his patrons until he pays the debt.
In a wedding ceremony, a mast is spread in the center of the room. The bride and groom sit on pillows set facing each other. In the corner of the mat they put food in two plates. The groom gets a small quantity of food from the plate and offers it to the bride, then the bride does her turn. Finally, the balyan or the datu lightly holds their heads and lets their foreheads touch a number of times, signifying oneness. The ceremony ends with the balyan’s blessings for the couple.
The bride’s family, with help from the groom’s party, prepares the food for the reception. The menu generally consists of chicken and pork. When wild pigs were abundant, this was a special offering. The servers offer food to the datu or the balyan first, then to the newly wedded couple, and finally to the guests.
The Lebak Dulangan Manobo parents also arrange the marriages of their children. Even at an early age, engagement follows an agreement between parents. A common practice of arranging marriages involves the offering of Sunggod (bride price or dowry) which both parents settle before the engagement of the couple.
Parents usually negotiate for seven items as bride price, and the groom must agree to give them the items. These usually consist of musical instruments such as an agong, working animals such as a horse, weapons such as kris, patakya, bangkong, tabas, panan, and other treasures.
An engaged girl must not allow courtship from another man as the parents prepare for the eventual wedding of the engaged couple. If an engaged individual dies, the family provides for a substitute. Substitute marriage is still prevalent among the Lebak Dulangan Manobo.
As a tradition, the Lukes (elders) or a known Datu solemnizes the marriage. A simple ceremony includes feeding one another from a single plate and drinking from a single cup while kneeling on a mat. After some incantations, the ritual ends. Often, the couple holds the wedding rite at the bride’s place. After the wedding, the newlywed transfers to the house of the groom where they will eventually settle with the groom’s relatives.
Kinship institution in Dulangan Manobo society is extremely close and nuclear. A basic family consists of the mother, father and children, with elders often living with them. Extended families evolve as a married couple starts to establish their own family and live independently from other parents.
Inter-marriage among clans is also the basis of an extended family set-up. It also became the vital factor in strengthening and consolidating the integrity of the clan and community. In most cases, they settle conflicts between clans by marrying their respective children.
Marital arrangements among the Kulaman Manobos are similar to those of other Lumad and Moro tribes, but they mostly differ in wedding rite practices.
The Kulaman Dulangan Manobo parents arrange the future marital alliances of the offspring—be they adolescents or as young as five years old. They may pair a little girl with an older male, married or unmarried. This explains why Manobas hardly reach fourth year high school, if they ever go to school. Many times, girls simply drop school in the middle of their second year to marry their betrothed.
A balyan or a datu traditionally officiates the wedding. Today, however, with the balyan getting less recognized and functional, marriages are commonly officiated by the datu. The datu also acts as an antang-antang for the setting of the dowry consisting of a few heads of horses, carabaos, agongs, kampilan, spears, and a mosquito net. The number of items depends on the capacity of the groom’s party to pay.
The datu or some relatives of the groom may offer to give items that the groom’s family can not afford. The groom becomes indebted to both the datu and the relatives and promises to pay in the future. Otherwise, he volunteers to perform tasks in the household of his patrons until he pays the debt.
In a wedding ceremony, a mast is spread in the center of the room. The bride and groom sit on pillows set facing each other. In the corner of the mat they put food in two plates. The groom gets a small quantity of food from the plate and offers it to the bride, then the bride does her turn. Finally, the balyan or the datu lightly holds their heads and lets their foreheads touch a number of times, signifying oneness. The ceremony ends with the balyan’s blessings for the couple.
The bride’s family, with help from the groom’s party, prepares the food for the reception. The menu generally consists of chicken and pork. When wild pigs were abundant, this was a special offering. The servers offer food to the datu or the balyan first, then to the newly wedded couple, and finally to the guests.
The Lebak Dulangan Manobo parents also arrange the marriages of their children. Even at an early age, engagement follows an agreement between parents. A common practice of arranging marriages involves the offering of Sunggod (bride price or dowry) which both parents settle before the engagement of the couple.
Parents usually negotiate for seven items as bride price, and the groom must agree to give them the items. These usually consist of musical instruments such as an agong, working animals such as a horse, weapons such as kris, patakya, bangkong, tabas, panan, and other treasures.
An engaged girl must not allow courtship from another man as the parents prepare for the eventual wedding of the engaged couple. If an engaged individual dies, the family provides for a substitute. Substitute marriage is still prevalent among the Lebak Dulangan Manobo.
As a tradition, the Lukes (elders) or a known Datu solemnizes the marriage. A simple ceremony includes feeding one another from a single plate and drinking from a single cup while kneeling on a mat. After some incantations, the ritual ends. Often, the couple holds the wedding rite at the bride’s place. After the wedding, the newlywed transfers to the house of the groom where they will eventually settle with the groom’s relatives.
Kinship institution in Dulangan Manobo society is extremely close and nuclear. A basic family consists of the mother, father and children, with elders often living with them. Extended families evolve as a married couple starts to establish their own family and live independently from other parents.
Inter-marriage among clans is also the basis of an extended family set-up. It also became the vital factor in strengthening and consolidating the integrity of the clan and community. In most cases, they settle conflicts between clans by marrying their respective children.
Monday, January 6, 2014
Art and Culture of the Dulangan Manobo
(Blogger’s note: The following is an excerpt from Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao, specifically pp. 109–10. The publishers welcome and even encourage the reproduction of the book in part or in its entirety, so I am posting this excerpt here without prior permission. Not a single word has been changed, and the style of the text as they appear on the book has been preserved. For complete citation, please see Webliography.)
The Manobos of Kulaman do not normally wear their tribal costumes and adornments in their daily undertakings. They only wear these during special occasions and gatherings.
In their traditional wear, the Dulangan Manobas of Kulaman don a saya, often a patadyong, and a long sleeved figure hugging V-necklined blouse called kawal. They only wear an occasional bracelet, ligti, which they secure from the nearby T’boli villages. They adorn their necks with beads, in single or several layers, that they learn to make themselves. Some Manobo women are able to purchase more intricate necklaces from department stores in nearby semi-urban centers.
Betel chewing Manobas sling on their shoulders a small rectangular shaped cloth bag called solok, measuring 4 inches by 6 inches, containing the ingredients for chewing. They may also wear sigkil (anklets) on their legs. The males have similar cloth bags called fuyot, usually colored blue, and larger than the women’s solok. They sling this around their forehead even in plowing the field, to reach out to while resting from the task.
The datu has several rows of earrings called tunggal, some reaching the upper section of the earlobes. Many of the present day datus have stopped wearing this, probably influenced by the Christians who see this as an unusual sight.
The older datus wear their hair long and tie it into a bun, while younger generations of datus have shorter hair. The datus also wear a long sleeved shirt called kawal; the short sleeved shirt they call fotok.
One distinctive feature of the adult Manobo is the ever present tattoo on parts of their bodies, the most noticeable being those on the wrists or on the legs. There may also be tattoos on their waists or around their nipples, on both men and women.
The tattoo may be any design in accordance with the tattoo artist’s conception, ranging from connecting squares or rectangles to more elaborate ones. It is said to serve as an indication of their noble aspirations of keeping to the right path in their journey through life, a path that will lead them to a place called Baya, equivalent to the Christian’s heaven.
During the Spanish times, tattoos were done purely for ornamentation purposes, but later, this was utilized as form of identification to protect victims of kidnapping for slavery. When a victim was captured, it was customary to change the name as often as the victim was sold or resold. The only manner to identify said captive was by his tattoo marks on some parts of his body.
The Manobos of Kulaman have similar tattoo marks, no longer as indications of slavery, but now with purely spiritual intentions, as some kind of guidance to the other world, the baya. Children do not have tattoos on any part of their bodies.
The Manobos of Kulaman do not normally wear their tribal costumes and adornments in their daily undertakings. They only wear these during special occasions and gatherings.
In their traditional wear, the Dulangan Manobas of Kulaman don a saya, often a patadyong, and a long sleeved figure hugging V-necklined blouse called kawal. They only wear an occasional bracelet, ligti, which they secure from the nearby T’boli villages. They adorn their necks with beads, in single or several layers, that they learn to make themselves. Some Manobo women are able to purchase more intricate necklaces from department stores in nearby semi-urban centers.
Betel chewing Manobas sling on their shoulders a small rectangular shaped cloth bag called solok, measuring 4 inches by 6 inches, containing the ingredients for chewing. They may also wear sigkil (anklets) on their legs. The males have similar cloth bags called fuyot, usually colored blue, and larger than the women’s solok. They sling this around their forehead even in plowing the field, to reach out to while resting from the task.
The datu has several rows of earrings called tunggal, some reaching the upper section of the earlobes. Many of the present day datus have stopped wearing this, probably influenced by the Christians who see this as an unusual sight.
The older datus wear their hair long and tie it into a bun, while younger generations of datus have shorter hair. The datus also wear a long sleeved shirt called kawal; the short sleeved shirt they call fotok.
One distinctive feature of the adult Manobo is the ever present tattoo on parts of their bodies, the most noticeable being those on the wrists or on the legs. There may also be tattoos on their waists or around their nipples, on both men and women.
The tattoo may be any design in accordance with the tattoo artist’s conception, ranging from connecting squares or rectangles to more elaborate ones. It is said to serve as an indication of their noble aspirations of keeping to the right path in their journey through life, a path that will lead them to a place called Baya, equivalent to the Christian’s heaven.
During the Spanish times, tattoos were done purely for ornamentation purposes, but later, this was utilized as form of identification to protect victims of kidnapping for slavery. When a victim was captured, it was customary to change the name as often as the victim was sold or resold. The only manner to identify said captive was by his tattoo marks on some parts of his body.
The Manobos of Kulaman have similar tattoo marks, no longer as indications of slavery, but now with purely spiritual intentions, as some kind of guidance to the other world, the baya. Children do not have tattoos on any part of their bodies.
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