Four overlapping social groups may be identified among traditional Teduray: the neighborhood, the settlement, the household and the nuclear family. The family is determined by kin ties, the household and settlement are spatially identified, and the nuclear family [neighborhood?] is a matter of ongoing social ties related to cooperation in day to day subsistence work.
The neighborhood or inged is the largest social unit with discrete boundaries. A neighborhood consists of a number of families, usually living in several settlements, which regularly assist each other in their farming activities and rituals.
The inged is basically a subsistence cooperative group. It is not a distinctive attribute of a traditional Teduray neighborhood that its members should all be linked by kinship ties, but it is often the case that such ties pervade the inged.
Neighborhoods vary widely in overall population and in the number of settlements, households and families that they include. Persons living in any household do not normally reside in a single central village but in settlements called denowon—small dispersed hamlets of one to ten or more households.
Every swidden farmer must necessarily associate his family with others in a neighborhood to be part of the needed cooperative work group, but he need not live in company of other families in a settlement. In general, any family is free to establish its residence in any settlement it wishes, and no rules exist to structure a settlement according to any kinship principle. Nonetheless, some relationship, either by blood or affinity, will commonly link the families that settle together on the same hamlet.
Settlements are generally situated near the source of water and are regularly named after prominent nearby geographical features. A neighborhood generally takes its name from its principal settlement. If asked where they are from, a Teduray always replies with the name of their neighborhood, not that of their settlement. The latter does not have the stability of location or family composition that a neighborhood has, and tends to shift around as the people look for better spots or abandon a location which have come to be associated with illness or death. Neighborhoods, not settlements, are the important and relatively stable territorial units.
Much sharing goes on among the households of a neighborhood. Fish caught in the river in any number are always shared with all other inged families, as are snack foods such as fruits or roasted corn. Chickens, eggs and rice, on the other hand are not shared, except in ritual meals or with visitors, as they symbolize the discreetness of every household. In contrast, the flesh of a deer or wild pig caught in hunting is always shared with the entire neighborhood, with each household receiving a carefully measured equal share. This signifies the cooperative unity of the neighborhood, a unity also expressed in the rice exchanges characteristic of neighborhood ritual feasts.
Relations between household may be by kinship or bride price or swidden cooperation. But the households are generally independent, self-determining units. Aside from his membership in such social groups as the family, household, settlement and neighborhood, every Teduray is the center point of a personal kindred which, reckoned bilaterally, includes all the descendants of his four pairs of his great-grandparents and reaches laterally to include all second cousins. Spouses married into one’s kindred are not included in it. The kindred have important responsibilities, and members are mobilized on one’s behalf in disputes, in the establishment of a family through marriage, and in its dissolution through death or divorce. The kindred on the other hand are not involved in any direct way with subsistence activities.
The largest social unit is the inged, which usually comprises several settlements. The household belonging to the inged render mutual assistance among themselves in all swidden related activities as well as in all the community rituals. Ordinarily, almost all members of the inged are linked to one another either by blood through marriage ties.
The Tedurays communities [sic] are also organized in settlements of five to ten families called dengonon. These are actually small, dispersed hamlets, spread out over an area.
The basic residential unit is a nuclear family, composed of the iboh (father), ideng (mother) and the inga (children), unmarried or married, who have not yet put up their own dwellings. In some cases, unmarried and dependent elders would form part of the household, which also includes the other wives of the household head. The Teduray word for family is kureng, which means “pot”, i.e., a family is deemed as a group of persons living together and eating from the same pot.
In earlier times, members of a neighborhood shared a single large house. This seems to have been the rule in periods of political instability, on account of tribal wars. Starting from the American occupation, with the territory more or less pacified through military control, Teduray families started living in individual houses. The term setifon, which means “of one house” is still used to refer to all members of one neighborhood. The one large house in the inged is where the kefeduwan normally stays.
The head of the kureng follows the strict code of responsibility for feeding and provisioning the household, whether he is monogynous or polygenous [sic]. All property, money and crops are jointly owned by the household, with the wife seeing to it that economic tasks, responsibilities and rights are properly adhered to within the kureng. A polygynous marriage can be allowed if the first wife gives her consent. Furthermore, the senior wife becomes the “first among equals”, acting as chief spokesperson for all the other wives with regard to their rights and duties within the household.
In Teduray society, marriage takes place when the man’s relatives have succeeded in accumulating the bride price called tamuk, delivered to the parents of the bride. During marriage, relatives of the groom are called upon to contribute their share of items making up the bride price. The kefeduwans and their families are enjoined to assist in performing the marriage rites. The role of the bride’s relatives is to help in the determination and distribution of the bride price.
The kinship terminology follows the generational structure and is reckoned bilaterally from the father’s and mother’s lineage. The kinship terms used are eboh (father), ideng (mother), ofo (older sibling), tuwarey (younger sibling) and inga (children). After marriage, brothers are likely to combine or join their families together into one household. The same practice holds true for sisters who get married. In the old days, child marriages were common.
Inside the kureng, the closest relationship possible is that between husband and wife. Their children will eventually grow up, have their own spouses and set up their own kureng. So long as their marriage lasts, they will live permanently together in the same “pot”. The closeness of man and woman in marriage is partly explained by the division of labor between man’s work and woman’s work in the Teduray swidden. It becomes very necessary that every farmer has an active wife and that each adult and active woman is wedded to a worker husband. This is why selamfa, eloping with a married person, is considered a grave transgression against Teduray society; the very fabric holding it together is threatened.
It is acceptable to have a duwoy, a co-wife, which could be more than one. There are several reasons for a polygamous relationship. The most common is the death of a relative who lives behind a widow. The man is allowed to accept the widow into his kureng. Or, a man may decide to add on to their social prestige by taking on an additional wife, particularly a young woman. Another acceptable reason is the need to sire children, if the first wife cannot bear him any. The one condition is that the tafay bawag, the senior or first wife, must give her consent. While she can always prevent her bawag (husband) from marrying another wife or any number of wives, in practice, it is in the woman who often suggests that her man take in a duwoy, because of the advantage she perceives in the arrangement. She will have another person with whom to share the burden of so much work in the house and in the swidden. The tafay bawag exercises clear authority over the other wives. She assigns to them a share of the work in her husband’s fields. Everything that they produce is shared. The first wife sees to it that all of the duwoy’s pots receive an equitable share of food.
Socialization for the children starts at an early age. They are suckled by their mothers up to the age of two or three, or as long as no new baby has arrived. But once they are able to walk, they are allowed to play around the village, without any supervision from the elders. When they reach the age of six, they become little helpers in the swidden fields. Boys are assigned the tasks of gathering firewood, tending the farm animals, hunting wild birds with their little blowguns, and guarding the fields from marauding monkeys. The girls on the other hand help in pounding the rice, weaving rattan baskets, fetching water and washing clothes. In working, the Teduray children learn all there is to know about surviving in their society so that by the time they are adolescents, they can do the same work as their parents and have absorbed the skills they need to function as Teduray adults.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the eighth part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
Monday, November 24, 2014
Monday, November 17, 2014
The Teduray and Their Polity
The political organization in Teduray society is not hierarchical. Each inged (neighborhood) of subsistence groups may have a leader who sees to the clearing of the swidden, the planting and harvesting of crops, and the equal sharing of the rice or any other food produced from the land. The leader or head also determines, in consultation with the beliyan, when to move and clear another swidden settlement.
Teduray society is governed and kept together by their adat or customary law, and by an indigenous legal and justice system designed to uphold the adat. An acknowledged expert in customary law, the kefeduwan, exercises legal and moral authority. The expert presides over the tiyawan, the formal adjudicatory discussion before which cases are brought involving members of the community, for deliberation and settlement.
The kefeduwan’s position is not based on wealth, as there is hardly any economic stratification among the traditional Teduray. It is not a separate position or profession, because he continues to carry on the usual economic activities of other menfolk in the community. The most learned in Teduray customs and laws, possessing a skill for reasoning, a remarkable memory and an aptitude for calmness in debate, and “who learns to speak in the highly metaphorical rhetoric of a tiyawan,” is apt to be acknowledged as a kefeduwan.
In one inged, there may be more than one kefeduwan, and several more minor kefeduwan. The main responsibility of a kefeduwan in Teduray society is to see to it that the respective rights and the feelings of all the people involved in a case up for settlement are respected and satisfied. The central goal in the Teduray justice system, according to Schlegel, is for everyone to have a “good fedew”, which means “one’s state of mind or rational feelings, one’s condition of desiring or intending.” The legal and moral authority of the kefeduwan exists for this social goal. Thus, the administration of justice is geared towards the satisfaction not only of one party in a case submitted to adjudication, but of both sides. This institution has made possible a significant development in the Teduray justice system. In the past, retaliation was deemed the acceptable means of seeking justice. But with the ascendancy of the tiyawan, retribution has been reduced to the payment of fine or damages.
This traditional system of justice is still followed, especially in the interior settlements where the old lifeways and practices persist. But like most of the other ethno-linguistic groups in the country, the Teduray are subject not only to the formal structures of local governments under national law, but also to the pressure of political change.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the seventh part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
Teduray society is governed and kept together by their adat or customary law, and by an indigenous legal and justice system designed to uphold the adat. An acknowledged expert in customary law, the kefeduwan, exercises legal and moral authority. The expert presides over the tiyawan, the formal adjudicatory discussion before which cases are brought involving members of the community, for deliberation and settlement.
The kefeduwan’s position is not based on wealth, as there is hardly any economic stratification among the traditional Teduray. It is not a separate position or profession, because he continues to carry on the usual economic activities of other menfolk in the community. The most learned in Teduray customs and laws, possessing a skill for reasoning, a remarkable memory and an aptitude for calmness in debate, and “who learns to speak in the highly metaphorical rhetoric of a tiyawan,” is apt to be acknowledged as a kefeduwan.
In one inged, there may be more than one kefeduwan, and several more minor kefeduwan. The main responsibility of a kefeduwan in Teduray society is to see to it that the respective rights and the feelings of all the people involved in a case up for settlement are respected and satisfied. The central goal in the Teduray justice system, according to Schlegel, is for everyone to have a “good fedew”, which means “one’s state of mind or rational feelings, one’s condition of desiring or intending.” The legal and moral authority of the kefeduwan exists for this social goal. Thus, the administration of justice is geared towards the satisfaction not only of one party in a case submitted to adjudication, but of both sides. This institution has made possible a significant development in the Teduray justice system. In the past, retaliation was deemed the acceptable means of seeking justice. But with the ascendancy of the tiyawan, retribution has been reduced to the payment of fine or damages.
This traditional system of justice is still followed, especially in the interior settlements where the old lifeways and practices persist. But like most of the other ethno-linguistic groups in the country, the Teduray are subject not only to the formal structures of local governments under national law, but also to the pressure of political change.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the seventh part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
Monday, November 10, 2014
The Teduray and Their Economy
For a long time, the Teduray practiced a subsistence system mainly based on traditional swidden cultivation. Supplemental food supplies were procured through hunting, fishing, and gathering. Other necessities of life, such as iron tools for slash and burn agriculture, household implements and personal items, were obtained through trade with the Maguindanao.
Weaving, blacksmithing and pottery are industries unknown to the Teduray. They used to wear hand-beaten bark cloth. Cotton material, particularly the sarong dress, only came in through trade activities. These articles were obtained by exchanging their rattan, almaciga, beeswax and tobacco.
Among the more populous settlements of the Teduray, internal trade goes on during market days. The traders are mainly menfolk, because the Teduray females are extremely shy and not much given to business transactions. It is they, however, who carry the barter products to the market for their husbands. Tobacco is the main crop cultivated for the barter market. But rice and corn are also grown, to be sold to buy basic needs such as knives, chickens and piglets.
Following an indigenous system of astronomy, the Teduray reckon the beginning of their swidden cycle by referring to the appearance of certain constellations in the night sky. By December or early January, swidden sites are ritually marked. Laborious clearing of the thick forest growth and cutting down of the big trees follows. All the menfolk of a settlement work on each household’s swidden site, until all the swidden are cleared and ready for burning by March or April. Corn and several varieties of rice are planted in the clearing with men and women working together. The women take charge of harvesting and storing the first corn in May or June and the first rice in August or September. The next phase is the planting of tobacco or a second crop of corn as well as more tubers, fruits, vegetables, spices and cotton.
Teduray upland farming is methodical, as are most other indigenous swidden methods. After harvest, the field will not be used until it has lain fallow for many years, so that the vital jungle vegetation may be reestablished.
The swidden cycle of the traditional Teduray is, in its essential stages and phases, similar to that of other slash and burn systems. Each year, each household selects and marks off an area of the forest where it intends to make a swidden. Working together as a team, the men in the neighborhood then move from one swidden to another, slashing away the undergrowth and felling trees. When the vegetative debris of the cutting operations is well dried, the site is burned. It is then planted, again cooperatively, with both men and women joining in the work. Corn is planted first on the swidden, then rice and then a large variety of non-grain crops. Finally, after the first corn and rice have been harvested, a second crop of corn is planted and an even greater number of vegetables, tubers, fruits and other plants. The multi-cropped swiddens are a rich source of food, and continue to yield long after the year’s cycle of work on them has ended and the family has begun to prepare another swidden in a different location in the forest. The former site is not worked again, however, but is allowed to return to forest. Traditional Teruray recognize very clearly the importance of the forest to their way of life, and carefully avoid over-exploitation practices which could lead to the forest’s being replaced by grasslands.
When the swidden fields have been planted to crops, there is not much work left for the menfolk except hunting, fishing and gathering food in the jungle. Aside from their skill at setting traps and snares, Teduray hunters are experts in using the blowgun, bow and arrow, spears and the homemade shotgun, this last weapon acquired after World War II.
Since ancient times, the Teduray have been known as skillful hunters and trappers. A total of 28 hunting methods have been recorded by Schlegel. The Teduray prepare their traps for deer and pig when their swidden crops have started growing on the hillside slopes, since the game are expected to come out of the forest to foray for food. The fresh shoots creeping out of a burnt clearing usually attracts the animals (Patanne 1977:511).
In recent years, the polarization of Teduray society into the traditional and the acculturated has been most pronounced in the differentiation of their subsistence systems. Two Teduray settlements were the basis for this observation by Schlegel. The first system, traditional swidden agriculture, characterizes the settlement of Figel, while the other, a peasant economy, describes the settlement of Kakaba-kaba. Schlegel describes the first as a system adapted to the tropical rainforest, consisting of slash and burn and shifting cultivation. It is augmented by hunting, fishing and food-gathering activities, and is only marginally dependent on trading with the coastal economy. He describes the second as consisting of plow farming in areas which have virtually lost the old forest cover with almost no exploitation of or dependence on forest resources and having an extensive involvement with the market economy of a rural lowland society (Schlegel 1979:164).
(Blogger’s note: This post is the sixth part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
Weaving, blacksmithing and pottery are industries unknown to the Teduray. They used to wear hand-beaten bark cloth. Cotton material, particularly the sarong dress, only came in through trade activities. These articles were obtained by exchanging their rattan, almaciga, beeswax and tobacco.
Among the more populous settlements of the Teduray, internal trade goes on during market days. The traders are mainly menfolk, because the Teduray females are extremely shy and not much given to business transactions. It is they, however, who carry the barter products to the market for their husbands. Tobacco is the main crop cultivated for the barter market. But rice and corn are also grown, to be sold to buy basic needs such as knives, chickens and piglets.
Following an indigenous system of astronomy, the Teduray reckon the beginning of their swidden cycle by referring to the appearance of certain constellations in the night sky. By December or early January, swidden sites are ritually marked. Laborious clearing of the thick forest growth and cutting down of the big trees follows. All the menfolk of a settlement work on each household’s swidden site, until all the swidden are cleared and ready for burning by March or April. Corn and several varieties of rice are planted in the clearing with men and women working together. The women take charge of harvesting and storing the first corn in May or June and the first rice in August or September. The next phase is the planting of tobacco or a second crop of corn as well as more tubers, fruits, vegetables, spices and cotton.
Teduray upland farming is methodical, as are most other indigenous swidden methods. After harvest, the field will not be used until it has lain fallow for many years, so that the vital jungle vegetation may be reestablished.
The swidden cycle of the traditional Teduray is, in its essential stages and phases, similar to that of other slash and burn systems. Each year, each household selects and marks off an area of the forest where it intends to make a swidden. Working together as a team, the men in the neighborhood then move from one swidden to another, slashing away the undergrowth and felling trees. When the vegetative debris of the cutting operations is well dried, the site is burned. It is then planted, again cooperatively, with both men and women joining in the work. Corn is planted first on the swidden, then rice and then a large variety of non-grain crops. Finally, after the first corn and rice have been harvested, a second crop of corn is planted and an even greater number of vegetables, tubers, fruits and other plants. The multi-cropped swiddens are a rich source of food, and continue to yield long after the year’s cycle of work on them has ended and the family has begun to prepare another swidden in a different location in the forest. The former site is not worked again, however, but is allowed to return to forest. Traditional Teruray recognize very clearly the importance of the forest to their way of life, and carefully avoid over-exploitation practices which could lead to the forest’s being replaced by grasslands.
When the swidden fields have been planted to crops, there is not much work left for the menfolk except hunting, fishing and gathering food in the jungle. Aside from their skill at setting traps and snares, Teduray hunters are experts in using the blowgun, bow and arrow, spears and the homemade shotgun, this last weapon acquired after World War II.
Since ancient times, the Teduray have been known as skillful hunters and trappers. A total of 28 hunting methods have been recorded by Schlegel. The Teduray prepare their traps for deer and pig when their swidden crops have started growing on the hillside slopes, since the game are expected to come out of the forest to foray for food. The fresh shoots creeping out of a burnt clearing usually attracts the animals (Patanne 1977:511).
In recent years, the polarization of Teduray society into the traditional and the acculturated has been most pronounced in the differentiation of their subsistence systems. Two Teduray settlements were the basis for this observation by Schlegel. The first system, traditional swidden agriculture, characterizes the settlement of Figel, while the other, a peasant economy, describes the settlement of Kakaba-kaba. Schlegel describes the first as a system adapted to the tropical rainforest, consisting of slash and burn and shifting cultivation. It is augmented by hunting, fishing and food-gathering activities, and is only marginally dependent on trading with the coastal economy. He describes the second as consisting of plow farming in areas which have virtually lost the old forest cover with almost no exploitation of or dependence on forest resources and having an extensive involvement with the market economy of a rural lowland society (Schlegel 1979:164).
(Blogger’s note: This post is the sixth part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
Sunday, November 9, 2014
Sultan Kudarat Kalimudan Festival 2014 Schedule
It's Kalimudan Festival, the foundation anniversary celebration of Sultan Kudarat Province. I've been googling for the complete schedule of activities because I heard there would be a hibag, or horsefighting, and I want to watch it. But I couldn't find any schedule online, which may mean that the tourism officials of my province aren't doing their damnedest best, so I decided to do it myself. I went to the capitol, took photos of the schedule printed in a large tarpaulin, and typed the whole thing. And here it is.
The horse fights drew a huge crowd, so some people had to watch atop the Ferris wheel.
October–November Weekends, 5 PM
Zumba, Capitol Lobby
Oct. 15–Nov. 30
Flea Market, Capitol Grounds
Oct. 15–Nov. 30
Carnival, Capitol Grounds
Oct. 15–Nov. 30
Interschool Basketball Tournament, Capitol Gym
Oct. 20–22
Photo Contest, Capitol Lobby
Oct. 27–31, Nov. 3–4, 9 AM
Interagency Volleyball Tournament, Capitol Gym
Nov. 3–22, 8 AM
Antiques Exhibit, Provincial Museum
Nov. 3–30
Agri Trade Fair, Municipal Booths
Nov. 6, 8 AM
Lumad day Cultural Presentation, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 6, 6 PM
Lumad Socials Night, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 6–9
Horse Fighting, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 6–10, 8 AM
Health and Therapy Clinic, Tourism Office
Nov. 7, 1 PM
Rock-rakan sa Kalimudan Elimination Round, SP Hall
Nov. 8–9, 8 AM
Regional Interschool Taekwondo Championship, Capitol Gym
Nov. 8–9, 9 AM
Bingo Socials, Capitol Gym
Nov. 11
Derby First Elimination 1, Pres. Quirino
Nov. 11, 8 AM
Cooperative Forum, Capitol Gym
Nov. 12
Retirees’ Homecoming, SP Hall
Nov. 12, 7 AM
Children’s Congress, Capitol Gym
Nov. 13, 8 AM
Regional Senior Citizens’ Day, Capitol Gym
Nov. 13, 6 PM
Search and Rescue (SAR) Olympics Opening Night, Capitol Lobby
Nov. 13
Derby Second Elimination 2; Brgy. Baras, Tacurong City
Nov. 13¬–16
Practical Shooting Competition (Level III), Pax Wali Shooting Range
Nov. 14, 6 AM
SAR Olympics Competition Proper, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 14, 6 PM
SK Schools Talent Night, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 14–15
Farm Family Congress, Capitol Gym
Nov. 14–16, 8 AM
Interschool Soccer Tournament (Kids), Capitol Grounds
Nov. 14–16, 10 AM
Invitational Veterans Double and Open Tennis Championship, Tennis Court
Nov. 15–16, 10 AM
National Darts Tournament, Capitol Basement
Nov. 15–16
Invitational Table Tennis Tournament, SKSU–Access
Nov. 15, 6 PM
Mutya ng Sultan Kudarat Talent Night, Capitol Lobby
Nov. 15
Derby Championship, Lambayong
Nov. 15
SAR Olympics Competition Proper, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 16
Mountain Bike Challenge, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 16, 1 PM
Team Ballroom and Hiphop Open Competition, Capitol Gym
Nov. 16, 6 PM
Search and Rescue Socials Night, Capitol Gym
Nov. 17–22, 8 AM
Tourism Booths Exhibit, Capitol Lobby
Nov. 17
6 AM: Float Parade
8 AM: Interfaith Service, Capitol Gym
9 AM: Opening Program, Capitol Gym
10 AM: Skydiving, Capitol Grounds
1 PM: High School Drum and Lyre Open Competition, Capitol Grounds
6 PM: Fiesta sa Nayon Opening Night, Field Stage
Laser Lights Show, Capitol Field
Musical Fireworks Display, Capitol Field
Nov. 18
8 AM: Jobs Fair, Capitol Lobby
6 PM: Mutya ng Sultan Kudarat Coronation, Capitol Gym
7 PM: Rock-rackan sa Kalimudan Finals, Field Stage
Nov. 19
8 AM: OFW Congress, Capitol Gym
6 PM: Disco sa Kalye
7 PM: GMA Kapuso Night with Marian Rivera, Capitol Gym
Nov. 19–22
Sipa sa Mangkis, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 20
5 PM: Singing Idol, Field Stage
6 PM: Mardi Gras, Capitol Gym
Nov. 21
6 AM: Color Fun Run, Capitol Grounds
7 AM: Elementary Drum and Lyre Open Competition, Capitol Grounds
8 AM: Youth Congress/SKULKBA, Capitol Gym
7 PM: Globe Night (Live Band Concert), Field Stage
7 PM: GMA Kapuso Showbiz Night with Regine Velasquez,
Rochelle Pangilinan and Kylie Padilla; Capitol Gym
Nov. 22
6 AM: Battle of Festivals Open Competition, Capitol Grounds
6 PM: Anniversary Session, Capitol Gym
Elected Officials’ Night, Capitol Gym
Closing Program, Capitol Gym
Spongecola Concert, Field Stage
Sexbomb Dancers, Gym/Field Stage
Zumba, Capitol Lobby
Oct. 15–Nov. 30
Flea Market, Capitol Grounds
Oct. 15–Nov. 30
Carnival, Capitol Grounds
Oct. 15–Nov. 30
Interschool Basketball Tournament, Capitol Gym
Oct. 20–22
Photo Contest, Capitol Lobby
Oct. 27–31, Nov. 3–4, 9 AM
Interagency Volleyball Tournament, Capitol Gym
Nov. 3–22, 8 AM
Antiques Exhibit, Provincial Museum
Nov. 3–30
Agri Trade Fair, Municipal Booths
Nov. 6, 8 AM
Lumad day Cultural Presentation, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 6, 6 PM
Lumad Socials Night, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 6–9
Horse Fighting, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 6–10, 8 AM
Health and Therapy Clinic, Tourism Office
Nov. 7, 1 PM
Rock-rakan sa Kalimudan Elimination Round, SP Hall
Nov. 8–9, 8 AM
Regional Interschool Taekwondo Championship, Capitol Gym
Nov. 8–9, 9 AM
Bingo Socials, Capitol Gym
Nov. 11
Derby First Elimination 1, Pres. Quirino
Nov. 11, 8 AM
Cooperative Forum, Capitol Gym
Nov. 12
Retirees’ Homecoming, SP Hall
Nov. 12, 7 AM
Children’s Congress, Capitol Gym
Nov. 13, 8 AM
Regional Senior Citizens’ Day, Capitol Gym
Nov. 13, 6 PM
Search and Rescue (SAR) Olympics Opening Night, Capitol Lobby
Nov. 13
Derby Second Elimination 2; Brgy. Baras, Tacurong City
Nov. 13¬–16
Practical Shooting Competition (Level III), Pax Wali Shooting Range
Nov. 14, 6 AM
SAR Olympics Competition Proper, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 14, 6 PM
SK Schools Talent Night, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 14–15
Farm Family Congress, Capitol Gym
Nov. 14–16, 8 AM
Interschool Soccer Tournament (Kids), Capitol Grounds
Nov. 14–16, 10 AM
Invitational Veterans Double and Open Tennis Championship, Tennis Court
Nov. 15–16, 10 AM
National Darts Tournament, Capitol Basement
Nov. 15–16
Invitational Table Tennis Tournament, SKSU–Access
Nov. 15, 6 PM
Mutya ng Sultan Kudarat Talent Night, Capitol Lobby
Nov. 15
Derby Championship, Lambayong
Nov. 15
SAR Olympics Competition Proper, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 16
Mountain Bike Challenge, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 16, 1 PM
Team Ballroom and Hiphop Open Competition, Capitol Gym
Nov. 16, 6 PM
Search and Rescue Socials Night, Capitol Gym
Nov. 17–22, 8 AM
Tourism Booths Exhibit, Capitol Lobby
Nov. 17
6 AM: Float Parade
8 AM: Interfaith Service, Capitol Gym
9 AM: Opening Program, Capitol Gym
10 AM: Skydiving, Capitol Grounds
1 PM: High School Drum and Lyre Open Competition, Capitol Grounds
6 PM: Fiesta sa Nayon Opening Night, Field Stage
Laser Lights Show, Capitol Field
Musical Fireworks Display, Capitol Field
Nov. 18
8 AM: Jobs Fair, Capitol Lobby
6 PM: Mutya ng Sultan Kudarat Coronation, Capitol Gym
7 PM: Rock-rackan sa Kalimudan Finals, Field Stage
Nov. 19
8 AM: OFW Congress, Capitol Gym
6 PM: Disco sa Kalye
7 PM: GMA Kapuso Night with Marian Rivera, Capitol Gym
Nov. 19–22
Sipa sa Mangkis, Capitol Grounds
Nov. 20
5 PM: Singing Idol, Field Stage
6 PM: Mardi Gras, Capitol Gym
Nov. 21
6 AM: Color Fun Run, Capitol Grounds
7 AM: Elementary Drum and Lyre Open Competition, Capitol Grounds
8 AM: Youth Congress/SKULKBA, Capitol Gym
7 PM: Globe Night (Live Band Concert), Field Stage
7 PM: GMA Kapuso Showbiz Night with Regine Velasquez,
Rochelle Pangilinan and Kylie Padilla; Capitol Gym
Nov. 22
6 AM: Battle of Festivals Open Competition, Capitol Grounds
6 PM: Anniversary Session, Capitol Gym
Elected Officials’ Night, Capitol Gym
Closing Program, Capitol Gym
Spongecola Concert, Field Stage
Sexbomb Dancers, Gym/Field Stage
Monday, November 3, 2014
The Teduray and Their Views on Land
Understanding the Teduray concept of land necessitates a deeper insight into their view on property or user rights. This can be gleaned from the Teduray word gefe, which roughly corresponds to having exclusive right over a particular item’s present use. According to Schlegel, to be gefe of something is when a person not only has an emotional or even economic interest in any object, person or even a ceremony, but also has a legitimate personal oversight.
This same concept applies to the use of land, in the sense of right of usufruct. A swidden belongs to a person who is gefe until after harvest time, during which the site is lain to fallow and that person is no longer gefe over the site. Once it has been publicly marked through community rituals, a land selected by an individual for swidden is free for his use.
For the Teduray, the right to use the swidden site is not hereditary. After a single cropping cycle, the site reverts to public domain and cannot be inherited by descendants. In this context, the Teduray concept of land utilization is inextricably linked with their concept of use-right.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the fifth part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
This same concept applies to the use of land, in the sense of right of usufruct. A swidden belongs to a person who is gefe until after harvest time, during which the site is lain to fallow and that person is no longer gefe over the site. Once it has been publicly marked through community rituals, a land selected by an individual for swidden is free for his use.
For the Teduray, the right to use the swidden site is not hereditary. After a single cropping cycle, the site reverts to public domain and cannot be inherited by descendants. In this context, the Teduray concept of land utilization is inextricably linked with their concept of use-right.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the fifth part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
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