I feel that Facebook is too crammed with end-of-year nostalgic statuses, so I'll post mine here. Much of my life for the past 365 days, anyway, had something to do with writing and Kulaman Plateau.
Let's start with the best thing that happened to me. I think it's coming back home and writing a draft of a novel. Yes, that's right. I'm stating it publicly for the first time. I'm writing a novel. I know I'm supposed to be humble about it. I'm supposed to put the word novel in quotation marks or use the word attempt somewhere in the sentence. But what the heck. Wringing out one hundred thousand words from my brain was a difficult thing to do, regardless of the quality of those words, so allow me to congratulate myself.
The novel is primarily set in Cotabato City and about the sultanate of Maguindanao, but because there's a dearth of research materials about the subject and I have to use whatever I have, a significant part of the story has something to do with Kulaman Plateau. I still need a lot of revisions and polishing to do, and where the manuscript will go (hopefully not in a recycle bin or at the bottom of a slush pile) is something I look forward to in 2015.
Update: This post was not finished because the power went out. The local electric cooperative has been behaving badly after Christmas. Perhaps it already got its present from Santa and no longer cares about the naughty-or-nice list. But of course I'm not surprised that this is happening. Here in the boondocks, you're supposed to endure a lot of hardships.
Wednesday, December 31, 2014
Monday, December 29, 2014
The Maguindanao and Their Polity
Maguindanaoan polity is hierarchical. It takes root from several influences—Malay, Hindu and Arabic—that pervade the sultanate structure.
There are three major offices that follow a tripartite rotation of succession to the sultanate. The Sultan (head of realm); Rajah Muda (heir apparent) and Watamama (male ward) is the core of the nobility in the Maguindanao dynasty.
The Amirul Umara (Admiral), Midted sa Inged (Superintendent of the polity), Datu Shabandar (Duty Collection Officer) and Umar Maya of the first rank are noble officials with territorial districts. The Maharajah Laila, Maharajah Adinda, Maturajah and Mudabpel are the non-noble courtiers of the second rank order.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the fourth part of an eight-part series on the Maguindanao people. Each part is posted every Monday starting December 8, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
There are three major offices that follow a tripartite rotation of succession to the sultanate. The Sultan (head of realm); Rajah Muda (heir apparent) and Watamama (male ward) is the core of the nobility in the Maguindanao dynasty.
The Amirul Umara (Admiral), Midted sa Inged (Superintendent of the polity), Datu Shabandar (Duty Collection Officer) and Umar Maya of the first rank are noble officials with territorial districts. The Maharajah Laila, Maharajah Adinda, Maturajah and Mudabpel are the non-noble courtiers of the second rank order.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the fourth part of an eight-part series on the Maguindanao people. Each part is posted every Monday starting December 8, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
Monday, December 22, 2014
The Maguindanao and Their Economy
By hunting and gathering, the forest provided the Maguindanaos of Bagumbayan with food. This was before the flourishing of agriculture as the community’s main economic activity. From the forest came supplies of timber for settlements, and the wild animals, fruits and root crops for food.
In sustaining the community, the natives later practiced the method of traditional swidden agriculture as an efficient and reliable method of farming. They were able to thoroughly identify suitable areas for farming that can have several croppings in a season.
To ensure and retain the productivity of the land, the natives transfer from one farm land to another, leaving and allowing the cultivated land to regain its nutrients. The fallow method provided the natives abundant and uninterrupted source of farm products, and nurtured the environment’s potentials.
The Maguindanaos highly regard the wisdom imparted by early ancestors pertaining to land ownership and utilization. For the Maguindanao, land is priceless and every creature depends on it. No one can own land, but one has the responsibility to sustain its beauty and essence. Thus, early ancestors did not believe in land titles to determine ownership of land, but relied on its utilization as a common source of life.
In earlier times, barter trading flourished among Manobo and Maguindanaon ancestors. Tuka (now a barangay of Bagumbayan) was an ancestral trading center known endemically as Tabo. It is a place where Lumads and Maguindanaons barter and exchange goods. There were significant Tabos recorded in Labo, Badak and Tuka.
On the other hand, Maguindanaons held barter trading among themselves in Datu Piang, several kilometers away. They traverse the Allah River down to Rio Grande de Mindanao (Pulangui) to trade. Tuka is a small breaker point along Allah River that also served as a fishing dock during earlier times.
Trade also prospered upon the arrival of traders from Malaysia, Indonesia, Borneo and China. The foreign traders introduced to the natives non-domestic goods such as silk, textiles, iron and brass wares, ornaments, spices and weapons equally important to the growing needs and demands of the populace. Trading also enabled the natives to develop their skills in black smith, pottery and weaving. a
(Blogger’s note: This post is the third part of an eight-part series on the Maguindanao people. Each part is posted every Monday starting December 8, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
In sustaining the community, the natives later practiced the method of traditional swidden agriculture as an efficient and reliable method of farming. They were able to thoroughly identify suitable areas for farming that can have several croppings in a season.
To ensure and retain the productivity of the land, the natives transfer from one farm land to another, leaving and allowing the cultivated land to regain its nutrients. The fallow method provided the natives abundant and uninterrupted source of farm products, and nurtured the environment’s potentials.
The Maguindanaos highly regard the wisdom imparted by early ancestors pertaining to land ownership and utilization. For the Maguindanao, land is priceless and every creature depends on it. No one can own land, but one has the responsibility to sustain its beauty and essence. Thus, early ancestors did not believe in land titles to determine ownership of land, but relied on its utilization as a common source of life.
In earlier times, barter trading flourished among Manobo and Maguindanaon ancestors. Tuka (now a barangay of Bagumbayan) was an ancestral trading center known endemically as Tabo. It is a place where Lumads and Maguindanaons barter and exchange goods. There were significant Tabos recorded in Labo, Badak and Tuka.
On the other hand, Maguindanaons held barter trading among themselves in Datu Piang, several kilometers away. They traverse the Allah River down to Rio Grande de Mindanao (Pulangui) to trade. Tuka is a small breaker point along Allah River that also served as a fishing dock during earlier times.
Trade also prospered upon the arrival of traders from Malaysia, Indonesia, Borneo and China. The foreign traders introduced to the natives non-domestic goods such as silk, textiles, iron and brass wares, ornaments, spices and weapons equally important to the growing needs and demands of the populace. Trading also enabled the natives to develop their skills in black smith, pottery and weaving. a
(Blogger’s note: This post is the third part of an eight-part series on the Maguindanao people. Each part is posted every Monday starting December 8, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
Monday, December 15, 2014
The Maguindanao and Their Ancestral Domain
The descendants of Sultan sa Labo, upon learning of the opportunity to claim back their ancestral domain, organized the Sultan sa Labo Descendants Organization and expressed intention to file ancestral domain claims through DAO 2 [Department Administrative Order 02, series of 1993].
Oral tradition articulated by elders confirm the AD claim of the descendants of Sultan Padasan (Sultan sa Labo), covering most of the hinterlands of Bagumbayan as their ancestral territory.
Before the creation of Bagumbayan into a municipality in 1969, the territorial domain of Sultan sa Labo was the sultanate of the Binambalanen and Blinen—genealogical clans whose territory stretched from Laguilayan to Surallah, now parts of Isulan and South Cotabato.
The elders can easily substantiate this claim through knowledge of their ancestral legacies and all the historical accounts that go with it. This includes knowledge of territorial landmarks and epics that imbued popular beliefs among early Maguindanaoans in the area.
Daguma range was a vital source of products for establishing settlements by the natives. The ancestors depended much from its forests for the food that they ate and the houses where they lived. It was not just a place where early natives produced timbers and logs to build houses. Rather, it was an important landmark that linked their existence to past generations. Daguma, which means tuber trees, was ancestral hunting ground of the Maguindanaons of Bagumbayan.
Kolambog, now a part of Isulan, Sultan Kudarat was once a famous area for holding religious and social festivities. It was the cultural center of Maguindanaon forbears, where they observed important occasions such as Kalilang (marriage rites) and other Muslim occasions.
Initial estimates put the scope of the claim in Bagumbayan, Sultan Kudarat at 9,000 hectares. The claim covers the areas along the foothills and mountain range portions, including all important landmarks. Specifically, these are the Daguma Mountain Range in Barangay Daguma; stretches of undulating hills in Barangays Chua and Masiag; Sitio Slatan bounding the Kyukid Creek of Barangay Muno, and the Pangulan Creek of Poblacion. Also included in the petitions are alienable and disposable lands in Barangays Tuka, Busuk and Bai Saripinang.
The natives here can trace the histories behind the names of landmarks and other important sites. For instance, Mount Dabumbol and Pitot a Kalabaw got their names from their unique appearances. Mount Dabumbol (bald) is actually a hill depleted of trees. Pitot a Kalabaw on the other hand was an ancestral hunting ground that resembled a carabao’s hind.
To the central portion of Bagumbayan lies Mount Awot, a hill with little vegetation but likewise a popular spot. It is where the Awot creek flows. The creek got its name because spring water gushes through it after occasional heavy rains, but dries out during summer.
Other important landmarks of Bagumbayan are Kiyukid Creek in Barangay Muno, Mount Makaw in Sitio Awot, Pangulan Creek and the Tantawan Rock formations in Barangay Daguma. The Tantawan rock formation was once a strategic location where early natives could survey the plains of the territory.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the second part of an eight-part series on the Maguindanao people. Each part is posted every Monday starting December 8, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced. Insertions in brackets are mine.)
Oral tradition articulated by elders confirm the AD claim of the descendants of Sultan Padasan (Sultan sa Labo), covering most of the hinterlands of Bagumbayan as their ancestral territory.
Before the creation of Bagumbayan into a municipality in 1969, the territorial domain of Sultan sa Labo was the sultanate of the Binambalanen and Blinen—genealogical clans whose territory stretched from Laguilayan to Surallah, now parts of Isulan and South Cotabato.
The elders can easily substantiate this claim through knowledge of their ancestral legacies and all the historical accounts that go with it. This includes knowledge of territorial landmarks and epics that imbued popular beliefs among early Maguindanaoans in the area.
Daguma range was a vital source of products for establishing settlements by the natives. The ancestors depended much from its forests for the food that they ate and the houses where they lived. It was not just a place where early natives produced timbers and logs to build houses. Rather, it was an important landmark that linked their existence to past generations. Daguma, which means tuber trees, was ancestral hunting ground of the Maguindanaons of Bagumbayan.
Kolambog, now a part of Isulan, Sultan Kudarat was once a famous area for holding religious and social festivities. It was the cultural center of Maguindanaon forbears, where they observed important occasions such as Kalilang (marriage rites) and other Muslim occasions.
Initial estimates put the scope of the claim in Bagumbayan, Sultan Kudarat at 9,000 hectares. The claim covers the areas along the foothills and mountain range portions, including all important landmarks. Specifically, these are the Daguma Mountain Range in Barangay Daguma; stretches of undulating hills in Barangays Chua and Masiag; Sitio Slatan bounding the Kyukid Creek of Barangay Muno, and the Pangulan Creek of Poblacion. Also included in the petitions are alienable and disposable lands in Barangays Tuka, Busuk and Bai Saripinang.
The natives here can trace the histories behind the names of landmarks and other important sites. For instance, Mount Dabumbol and Pitot a Kalabaw got their names from their unique appearances. Mount Dabumbol (bald) is actually a hill depleted of trees. Pitot a Kalabaw on the other hand was an ancestral hunting ground that resembled a carabao’s hind.
To the central portion of Bagumbayan lies Mount Awot, a hill with little vegetation but likewise a popular spot. It is where the Awot creek flows. The creek got its name because spring water gushes through it after occasional heavy rains, but dries out during summer.
Other important landmarks of Bagumbayan are Kiyukid Creek in Barangay Muno, Mount Makaw in Sitio Awot, Pangulan Creek and the Tantawan Rock formations in Barangay Daguma. The Tantawan rock formation was once a strategic location where early natives could survey the plains of the territory.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the second part of an eight-part series on the Maguindanao people. Each part is posted every Monday starting December 8, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced. Insertions in brackets are mine.)
Monday, December 8, 2014
The Maguindanao and Their History
The history of the Maguindanao [ancestral domain] claimants dates back to the pre-Islamic era roughly four and a half centuries ago. They take pride in being descendants of Tabunaway, who embraced Islam during the Islamization of Mindanao and significantly influenced the setting up of new social structures in the island.
Sovereignty passed from Tabunaway to Shariph Kabungsuan, who established the sultanate during Islamization. Under the traditional or adat structure, Shariph Kabungsuan represented the datu (ruling class) by reason of his barabangsa descent and princely ancestry. The datuship of Maguindanao vested in him and his direct descendants the eligibility for succession to the Maguindanao ruling class. Tabunaway became the progenitor of the Damatus of Maguindanao while from the descendants of his elder brother Mamalu came the Lumads.
Several generations later, in the 1860s, Maguindanao installed Sultan Dipatuan Kudarat as paramount Sultan. His legacy was his strong resistance against Spanish colonization. He took credit in consolidating all traditional leaders of Maguindanao for independence from foreign domination and led the Sultanate into power and unity.
The traditional leadership that descended from the clans helped the Maguindanao Sultanate flourish, as did other minor principalities and territories. One of the descendants was Sultan Padasan, otherwise known as the Sultan Sa Labo of the Blinen and Binambalanen clans that ruled over vast territories covering the western part of the Allah River. These areas include what was once Laguilayan, now part of Isulan and extending to Surallah, South Cotabato.
During his rule, the Sultan established sovereign sociopolitical and economic systems that lasted until the American period.
Today, one of his direct descendants, Sultan Mukalid Bansil, is establishing claim over the ancestral domains located in the municipality of Bagumbayan. Sultan Mukalid Bansil is the great, great grandson of Sultan sa Labo. According to the Tarsillah (genealogical record) of Sultan Padasan, Sultan Mukalid Bansil is the son of Datu Mapalaw—the son of Datu Mapayag whose father was Rajamuda Bansil, the son and heir to the throne of Sultan sa Labo.
Sultan Mukalid Bansil resides in Daguma where he plans to establish his Torrogan, the Royal House of the Sultan.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the first part of an eight-part series on the Maguindanao people. Each part is posted every Monday starting December 8, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced. Insertions in brackets are mine.)
Sovereignty passed from Tabunaway to Shariph Kabungsuan, who established the sultanate during Islamization. Under the traditional or adat structure, Shariph Kabungsuan represented the datu (ruling class) by reason of his barabangsa descent and princely ancestry. The datuship of Maguindanao vested in him and his direct descendants the eligibility for succession to the Maguindanao ruling class. Tabunaway became the progenitor of the Damatus of Maguindanao while from the descendants of his elder brother Mamalu came the Lumads.
Several generations later, in the 1860s, Maguindanao installed Sultan Dipatuan Kudarat as paramount Sultan. His legacy was his strong resistance against Spanish colonization. He took credit in consolidating all traditional leaders of Maguindanao for independence from foreign domination and led the Sultanate into power and unity.
The traditional leadership that descended from the clans helped the Maguindanao Sultanate flourish, as did other minor principalities and territories. One of the descendants was Sultan Padasan, otherwise known as the Sultan Sa Labo of the Blinen and Binambalanen clans that ruled over vast territories covering the western part of the Allah River. These areas include what was once Laguilayan, now part of Isulan and extending to Surallah, South Cotabato.
During his rule, the Sultan established sovereign sociopolitical and economic systems that lasted until the American period.
Today, one of his direct descendants, Sultan Mukalid Bansil, is establishing claim over the ancestral domains located in the municipality of Bagumbayan. Sultan Mukalid Bansil is the great, great grandson of Sultan sa Labo. According to the Tarsillah (genealogical record) of Sultan Padasan, Sultan Mukalid Bansil is the son of Datu Mapalaw—the son of Datu Mapayag whose father was Rajamuda Bansil, the son and heir to the throne of Sultan sa Labo.
Sultan Mukalid Bansil resides in Daguma where he plans to establish his Torrogan, the Royal House of the Sultan.
(Blogger’s note: This post is the first part of an eight-part series on the Maguindanao people. Each part is posted every Monday starting December 8, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced. Insertions in brackets are mine.)
Monday, December 1, 2014
Teduray Art and Culture
In the field of performing arts, the Tedurays, like many Mindanao Lumad groups, use the agong in their ensemble. Their kelo-agong or kalatong ensemble has five shallow embossed gongs in graduated sizes, producing delicate sounds. The smallest of the gongs, called segarun, leads off with a steady beat, while the four others join in with their own rhythms. The kelo-agong is used on various occasions, such as agricultural rituals, weddings, community gatherings, victory celebrations, curing rites, rituals for the dead and entertainment of visitors. The musical pieces played on the kelo-agong includes antibay, fat moto, liwan-kanrewan, turambes and tunggol bandera.
There are other several musical instruments used by the Teduray in everyday and ritual occasions. The kubing is a jaw harp made from a special variety of bamboo. Among the Teduray, the kubing is used for courting as well as for entertainment.
The togo is a five-stringed bamboo tube zither which may play the same pieces heard on the gong ensemble. It is a solo instrument, but several zithers are often played all at once. Two women play the instrument. One holds one end of the bamboo tube as she plays a melody on the strings. The other holds the other end, and plays on the other two strings. This instrument is important because it can substitute for the kelo-agong. It shares a similar function and may be heard during the same occasions when the kelo-agong is played. In addition the togo accompanies songs and dances.
The fegerong is a two-stringed lute with five to seven frets. This instrument is used for courtship and entertainment. Among the repertoire played on the fegerong are the music pieces laminggang and makigidawgidaw.
The two bamboo flutes of the Teduray are the falendag and suling. Both have three fingerholes and a thumbhole. The falendag is the lip valley or deep-notched bamboo flute. Its construction makes possible lip control of the air flowing into the tube, allowing for a degree of tonal control and sensitivity not possible with flutes of similar dimension but with differently shaped blowing holes, such as the suling or short ring flute. The suling is also called by this name among the Maguindanao, Manobo, Bukidnon, Tausug and the Palawan. It is a duct flute, the sound of which is produced by adjusting the ring on the mouthpiece in relation to the blowing hole. The pitch of the suling has a higher range than the falendag’s and can similarly express specific emotions, such as the sobbing of a girl who has just been told by the parents that she is about to be married.
The Teduray have a wide range of songs for various occasions. The balikata is a song with improvised text, sung to the traditional melodies. It could be a melodic pattern used for debates, for pleading causes, or for plain conversation. The balikata bae is a common lullaby in which the mother tells the child to sleep soundly and grow up as strong as the rattan vine. The lendugan also describe the lifeways of the Teduray. The binuaya is a narrative song that tells stories of great events in the distant past. The siasid is a sung prayer invoking the blessings of god Lagey Lengkuwos and the nature spirits Serong and Remoger. The foto moto is a teasing song performed during weddings. The meka meka is a song of loyalty sung by a wife to her husband. The melodies of songs like foto moto and meka meka are foten rendered on the kelo-agong and other instruments.
One of the more notable Teduray dances is the magasik, literally “to sow seeds”. The dance begins with a large piece of bright-colored cloth or material placed on the ground or on the middle of the floor. The women go around the cloth with small heavy steps, their arms and hands moving about in graceful fashion. The dancers wear tight long-sleeved blouses of shiny material, in various colors and with a peplum along the waist. Teduray women favor bright yellow, red, blue, orange, purple and black. They wear the patadyong, a skirt that goes all the way down to their anklets. They may also wear a necklace made of gold beads or old silver coins which goes all around their necks and reaches down to the waist. They also wear rich metal belts about 15 centimeters wide. The saronghangs on the left shoulders of the dancers and only their lower lips are painted.
The two other types of Teduray dances are the kefesayaw teilawan, in which the dancers imitate bird movements, and the tingle, a war dance in which two rival suitors fight for the affection of a maiden. Both dances are performed during wedding celebrations and other festivities.
Early Teduray costumes, including the weaponry which form part of their accoutrements, differ according to the place of habitation. Men of the downstream people who live near the towns and the Maguindanao population wear long trousers and waist-length shirts. Their weapons consist of a kris carried at the side, a spear held like a walking stick, a fegoto (wide bladed kris) slung over the shoulders, a dagger tucked at the waist, and either a round shield called taming or an elongated one called kelung. Those who live along the coast wear G-strings and shirts. Their weaponry consist of kemongen, a blade similar to the kris but smaller than the fegoto, a spear, a bow and a quiver of arrows (which even children carry around). These arrows are tipped with kemendag, the poisonous sap of a certain tree. The men from the mountains wear short trousers and the same cut of shirt as the other groups. Although they tend to have less body covering despite their mountain residence. Their weapons consist of the kris, spear, bows and arrows.
Teduray women in general wear a sarong called emut, made form abaca fiber. They wear shirt similar to those of the men, which is nearly of the same general cut, except that the women’s blouse is form fitting, while the men’s hang more loosely. Since Teduray women never developed the art of weaving cloth, their dress materials come from outside sources. The women also wear rinti, a series of brass bracelets of different sizes, extending from the wrist and up the forearm; a brass cord and belt decorated with small jingling bells which they wear around the wrists; brass anklet rings, necklaces of glass beads and colored crystals, and the kemagi, a necklace made of gold. They also sport wire earrings from which they hang small shell ornaments. The Teduray women are never without a knife and a small basket, which they carry wherever they go.
Both men and women wear the sayaf, a shallow conical hat made from buri, worn for protection against the sun (Schlegel 1970).
(Blogger’s note: This post is the last part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
There are other several musical instruments used by the Teduray in everyday and ritual occasions. The kubing is a jaw harp made from a special variety of bamboo. Among the Teduray, the kubing is used for courting as well as for entertainment.
The togo is a five-stringed bamboo tube zither which may play the same pieces heard on the gong ensemble. It is a solo instrument, but several zithers are often played all at once. Two women play the instrument. One holds one end of the bamboo tube as she plays a melody on the strings. The other holds the other end, and plays on the other two strings. This instrument is important because it can substitute for the kelo-agong. It shares a similar function and may be heard during the same occasions when the kelo-agong is played. In addition the togo accompanies songs and dances.
The fegerong is a two-stringed lute with five to seven frets. This instrument is used for courtship and entertainment. Among the repertoire played on the fegerong are the music pieces laminggang and makigidawgidaw.
The two bamboo flutes of the Teduray are the falendag and suling. Both have three fingerholes and a thumbhole. The falendag is the lip valley or deep-notched bamboo flute. Its construction makes possible lip control of the air flowing into the tube, allowing for a degree of tonal control and sensitivity not possible with flutes of similar dimension but with differently shaped blowing holes, such as the suling or short ring flute. The suling is also called by this name among the Maguindanao, Manobo, Bukidnon, Tausug and the Palawan. It is a duct flute, the sound of which is produced by adjusting the ring on the mouthpiece in relation to the blowing hole. The pitch of the suling has a higher range than the falendag’s and can similarly express specific emotions, such as the sobbing of a girl who has just been told by the parents that she is about to be married.
The Teduray have a wide range of songs for various occasions. The balikata is a song with improvised text, sung to the traditional melodies. It could be a melodic pattern used for debates, for pleading causes, or for plain conversation. The balikata bae is a common lullaby in which the mother tells the child to sleep soundly and grow up as strong as the rattan vine. The lendugan also describe the lifeways of the Teduray. The binuaya is a narrative song that tells stories of great events in the distant past. The siasid is a sung prayer invoking the blessings of god Lagey Lengkuwos and the nature spirits Serong and Remoger. The foto moto is a teasing song performed during weddings. The meka meka is a song of loyalty sung by a wife to her husband. The melodies of songs like foto moto and meka meka are foten rendered on the kelo-agong and other instruments.
One of the more notable Teduray dances is the magasik, literally “to sow seeds”. The dance begins with a large piece of bright-colored cloth or material placed on the ground or on the middle of the floor. The women go around the cloth with small heavy steps, their arms and hands moving about in graceful fashion. The dancers wear tight long-sleeved blouses of shiny material, in various colors and with a peplum along the waist. Teduray women favor bright yellow, red, blue, orange, purple and black. They wear the patadyong, a skirt that goes all the way down to their anklets. They may also wear a necklace made of gold beads or old silver coins which goes all around their necks and reaches down to the waist. They also wear rich metal belts about 15 centimeters wide. The saronghangs on the left shoulders of the dancers and only their lower lips are painted.
The two other types of Teduray dances are the kefesayaw teilawan, in which the dancers imitate bird movements, and the tingle, a war dance in which two rival suitors fight for the affection of a maiden. Both dances are performed during wedding celebrations and other festivities.
Early Teduray costumes, including the weaponry which form part of their accoutrements, differ according to the place of habitation. Men of the downstream people who live near the towns and the Maguindanao population wear long trousers and waist-length shirts. Their weapons consist of a kris carried at the side, a spear held like a walking stick, a fegoto (wide bladed kris) slung over the shoulders, a dagger tucked at the waist, and either a round shield called taming or an elongated one called kelung. Those who live along the coast wear G-strings and shirts. Their weaponry consist of kemongen, a blade similar to the kris but smaller than the fegoto, a spear, a bow and a quiver of arrows (which even children carry around). These arrows are tipped with kemendag, the poisonous sap of a certain tree. The men from the mountains wear short trousers and the same cut of shirt as the other groups. Although they tend to have less body covering despite their mountain residence. Their weapons consist of the kris, spear, bows and arrows.
Teduray women in general wear a sarong called emut, made form abaca fiber. They wear shirt similar to those of the men, which is nearly of the same general cut, except that the women’s blouse is form fitting, while the men’s hang more loosely. Since Teduray women never developed the art of weaving cloth, their dress materials come from outside sources. The women also wear rinti, a series of brass bracelets of different sizes, extending from the wrist and up the forearm; a brass cord and belt decorated with small jingling bells which they wear around the wrists; brass anklet rings, necklaces of glass beads and colored crystals, and the kemagi, a necklace made of gold. They also sport wire earrings from which they hang small shell ornaments. The Teduray women are never without a knife and a small basket, which they carry wherever they go.
Both men and women wear the sayaf, a shallow conical hat made from buri, worn for protection against the sun (Schlegel 1970).
(Blogger’s note: This post is the last part of a nine-part series on the Teduray people. Each part is posted every Monday starting October 6, 2014. The text is copied as it appears in Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao. The book, published by a consortium of non-government organizations, has an “anti-copyright” notice and may thus be freely reproduced.)
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