Kulaman Burial Jars in Dumaguete

Perhaps I’m really fated to see the burial jars of Kulaman with or without much effort. I am now based in Dumaguete City, specifically at Silliman University, which happens to be one of only two universities that conducted studies on the burial jars (the other one being University of San Carlos in Cebu City). Since November last year, at the start of the second semester, I’ve been a graduate teaching fellow at Silliman. I’m on something like a scholarship. I’m taking up masteral classes for free, and in exchange, I have to teach two undergraduate subjects.

I learned that Silliman was in need of a graduate teaching fellow on the third week of November. In a hurry, and without really expecting to be accepted, I sent my resume through email. As I’ve said, it must be fated. I was asked to come here in Dumaguete that very week. I asked permission from the company I’m working for in Cebu City, and after some serious negotiations, I was allowed to keep my job and work from home. So here I am now, walking inside the campus of Silliman on weekdays, just a few hundred meters away from a group of Kulaman burial jars.

The burial jars, along with other artifacts from other parts of the country, are housed on the second floor of Kalayaan Hall, which serves as the Silliman University Anthropological Museum. The jars were taken away from Kulaman Plateau in the late 1960s. In 1965–66, Samuel Briones, a graduate student at Silliman, led the exploration. Manuel Maceda of the University of San Carlos had gone to Kulaman Plateau first, but Briones went to a different spot. While Maceda conducted his study in the hamlet of Menteng, which is part of the municipality of Senator Ninoy Aquino today, Briones went to Salangsang , a village in the municipality of Lebak.

Kalayaan Hall, perhaps the most iconic building in Silliman University,

houses the Kulaman jars on its second floor.

In 1967–68, two foreign anthropologists conducted further research in Salangsang: Edward B. Kurjack, of the University of Miami, and Craig T. Sheldon, of the University of Oregon. They were the ones who, through carbon dating, found out that the jars are about 1,500 years old. Kurjack and Sheldon were affiliated with Silliman, but I’m not sure what role the university specifically played in their research. They might be graduate students enrolled in Silliman or just conducted their thesis through the help of the university. I will find out in the next months, for Kurjack and Sheldon had some papers about the jars published in Silliman Journal. I’ll look for copies of those papers in the school library.

I was able to visit the museum on the first or second week of December. Too bad, taking pictures is not allowed there. I had a digital camera with me, and truth be told, I was tempted to steal some shots. The CCTV camera, however, was just two or three meters away from the limestone jars and its red dots menacing, so I kept my hands where they should be. Besides, I don’t mind waiting for the right time for me to take pictures. I believe time will come when circumstances will allow me to openly say to people, “Hey, I’m writing a book on the burial jars. Allow me access to this and that.” For now, though, I’m happy enough as an obscure blogger.

The Manoba in Lumad Society

(Blogger’s note: The following is an excerpt from Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao, specifically pp. 119–121. The publishers welcome and even encourage the reproduction of the book in part or in its entirety, so I am posting this excerpt here without prior permission. Not a single word has been changed, and the style of the text as they appear on the book has been preserved. For citation details about the book, see Webliography.)

Lumad women face similar problems and constraints as do other Filipino women. They, too, grapple with issues of double burden, non-recognition, and disempowerment. Lumad women, however, do face more difficulties than do other Filipinas; the culture and tradition that characterize Lumad societies often limit the options, roles and status that Lumad women can take on in their communities. One case in point is that of the women in Manobo society.

The Manobo family is characteristically patriarchal. The male dominates in all facets of family and community life. He shares very little interest in household responsibilities with his wife. He spends his time smoking, chewing betel nut, gambling or drinking and leaves practically all chores to her, including her preparing the ingredients for his betel chewing.

Plowing the field is man’s work of course, but the attendant hilamon (clearing of the field) is the woman’s responsibility. Husband and wife work together in planning or harvesting the crops, unless she is heavy with child. When she is pregnant, he will ask a young son or a male nephew to do her tasks.

In public gatherings, Manobo women are mere observers. Their role is to serve food to the guests or entertain women visitors. They do not participate in the discussions, though sometimes they give advice to their male kin behind the scene.

It is a common sight for a Dulangan Manoba to sling her child in a malong around her shoulder while going up and down the house to gather firewood. The Manoba does the household chores despite how tired she is; in contrast, the husband is often a few meters away, perhaps playing cards with other males. She fetches water from a spring or creek no matter how heavy the container is or how far the source of water would be.

The Manoba is not free to go anywhere she wants without permission of the husband. If the wife leaves the household due to marital spat, she waits for him to fetch her. Her father may intervene and ask her to return home while imposing a fine on the husband. But if she refuses to return, her family must return the dowry. If the family cannot return the entire amount, the husband may opt to replace her with her younger sister. However, he must not touch her if she is a mere wisp of a girl. These means of resolution are the result of antang-antang.

The females in the community hardly participate in any social gathering or meeting. When she makes an appearance, the males around hardly notice her presence. If she responds to queries that males failed to answer properly, she does not get recognition. In responding, she does it almost inaudibly and outside the circle of male Manobo respondents.

Sometimes she simply makes her inaudible comments while in the kitchen or squatting on the ground outside the hut. The Manoba is only able to freely express her ideas in the presence of other Manobas or with children.

The lowly status of the wife may be because the Manobos marry through parental arrangement, where dowry or bride payment changes hands. Dowry in effect relegates the bride to being treated as a commodity. Such lack of esteem for the women sometimes takes the form of using the wife as a guarantee for the husband’s gambling debt. In such cases, he deposits her in the abode of the sultan or the datu until he pays the debt.

Lately, there are improvements in the Manoba’s awareness of her role in the community. It is not a big leap, but it is a start says Ida Dakias, the fifth wife and widow of the late Sultan Tagenek Dakias of Kulaman. Ida attended seminars on women’s concerns in semi-urban centers such as Tacurong and Isulan. She echoed the subjects of help and herbal medicine to the other Manobas and even injected some radical ideas on women’s rights. Now, Manobas start to react to male dominance in the household and in community affairs. Yet they understand that the cultural practice, being deeply imbedded, may take some time to change. This new realization will hopefully allow them to get the respect and dignity they deserve from their community.

Polity of the Dulangan Manobo (Part 2 of 2)

(Blogger’s note: The following is an excerpt from Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao, specifically pp. 117–18. The publishers welcome and even encourage the reproduction of the book in part or in its entirety, so I am posting this excerpt here without prior permission. Not a single word has been changed, and the style of the text as they appear on the book has been preserved. For citation details about the book, see Webliography.)

The Dulangan Manobos in Kulaman, Sultan Kudarat have a simple and functional political set-up easily understood by the ordinary Manobo constituents.

The position of sultan is unusual in a non-Muslim aggregation. It has its legendary beginnings in the marriage of Shariph Kabungsuan, an Islamic leader, to Tabunaway, a Manobo princess. Their male descendants became Sultans and the sultanate was institutionalized even in Manobo settlements up to the present. However, the assembly of datus must acknowledge the sultan, even if the position is hereditary.

At the top of the political structure in Mnaobo community is the Sultan, the highest-ranking tribal leader. He lords over the datus and presides meetings, especially in their antang-antang—an assembly of tribal leaders to discuss and resolve community issues. He also signs legal documents of government agencies in representation of the entire tribe.

He judges conflicts that arise among members of the family or among Manobo residents of different barangays. He also performs marriage and other rites when the occasion arises. He presides over the legislative process of the community or among tribal leaders in a meeting called for the purpose. Aware of the existing conditions of the community that abet changes in societal practices, he urges respect for cultural traditions. He is the unifying factor of all datus and of all the members of the tribe.

When there is no direct heir to the position such as a son, a close male relative may become a Sultan. The chosen one must show ability to handle situations and to command the respect of his constituents. The datuship is also a hereditary position. In the absence of an heir, the closest male relative may be a successor.

The datu is the second highest-ranking official of the tribe. He assists the sultan in community or tribal matters. He performs marriage or burial rites and their consequent celebration in the absence of the sultan. In the local sitio or barangay where he resides, he settles family and community problems in an antang-antang. As such he elicits respect and loyalty from the company. There may be several datus in a small community. In such a situation, the eldest and the most respected datu heads the village antang-antang.

The tribal chieftain acts as the adviser of the community. He heads the tribal council and leads in community projects such as constructing a tribal hall. The Sultan and Datu of the community select him via consultation with the other Manobos of the village.

Each community has a tribal council consisting of six members who have indeterminate tenure and serve for as long as they effectively deliver their job. Not doing well in their task is reason enough o change the council member. The council may choose a woman or two as a member to take care women’s affairs.

At present, there are nine datus in the sitio, namely, Datus Angked Talombo, Hindot Abog, Lantig Labe, Felipe Ilas, Kaleb Imbog, Buat Uba, Glem Katel and the informant himself. They meet once a month to engage in antang-antang.

Some of the children attended school in far away Kulambo. They learned the value of education, but were not able to go beyond secondary school due to financial constraints.

Polity of the Dulangan Manobo (Part 1 of 2)

(Blogger’s note: The following is an excerpt from Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao, specifically pp. 114–17. The publishers welcome and even encourage the reproduction of the book in part or in its entirety, so I am posting this excerpt here without prior permission. Not a single word has been changed, and the style of the text as they appear on the book has been preserved. For citation details about the book, see Webliography.)

The Moro sultanate tradition strongly influenced the social and political order of the Dulangan Manobos of Lebak. However, in the modification of their traditional systems, hierarchical representation is not too evident among Dulangans as compared to the Moro socio-political system.

The Sultan functions as the supreme leader of the territory. With him are tribal council members who are mostly Datus or elders representing a community or clan. A regular consultation between the Sultan and his coordinates (Antang-antang) also takes place, where everyone confers to reach a moral decision concerning highly complicated cases of clan or tribal conflict. The sultan, together with the tribal council, may make and amend laws. But without the final approval of the Sultan, all resolutions are null and void. He also serves as the highest judiciary, especially in resolving complex cases of conflict.

Famous traditional leaders of Dulangan Manobo in Mebo and Abogado include Datus Tamyeg, Glet, Uba, Sultan Suyuy Uba and Sultan Kandi Uba. In Bagayan, famous leaders are Sultans Kadayunan, Agat, Tunas and Kulam, who ruled in succession and reigned successfully in their communities. Sultans Liwas Bungo, Tuna, Salita, Apis and Datu Dewig, are also famous tribal leaders of Megaga.

The political function of the Datu or Lukes centers on the implementation of the edicts and administration of power. A Datu or Lukes may likewise perform specific functions in the community.

Another practice noted among the Dulangan Manobos of Lebak is their inclinations to violent means of resolving conflicts. As traditional headhunters, they wage “pangayaw” (tribal wars or headhunting expeditions) to defend their communities against transgression of honor and dignity, and from humiliation and disgrace. As in most cases, these often arise from failed agreements such as in marriage, trade and politics.

The Kulaman Manobos are generally peace loving, friendly, respectful, loving and communitarian people. With such traits, they hardly ever come into conflict with others, even with the Christians in the area. It was their attempt to live in peace and avoidance of conflict that made them move on to higher grounds when settlers arrived in the early 70’s.

Still, some infractions of ethical behavior or normal relationships arise, common of which are coveting another man’s wife, theft, wounding or killing, and land conflict between a Manobo and non-Manobo. Such infractions usually get the attention of the Sultan or datu who tries to settle the problem by bringing the parties together to arrive at some solution.

The penalty for a minor infraction is a multa or fine, consisting of some amount of money or some property, such as a carabo, horse or agong. The amount of money or the number of items to be paid depends on the gravity of the offense.

In the case of an offense involving the abduction of a wife, the woman has to choose between her lover and the husband. If she chooses the former, her family has to return the entire quantity of the dowry to the husband and refunds the expenses incurred during the wedding celebration.

There is no divorce among the Manobos, in the strict sense of the term, although a couple may separate and marry another. The male may have two or three wives at the same time, but the female can only have one husband, until she decides to leave him for another.

Disrespect for elders is punishable under the Manobos’ judicial system.

In a minor offense such as stealing from a relative for emergency use, the culprit can explain the nature of the crime and ask apology from the victim.

Serious offenses such as killing and repetition of the same offense are punishable with death. The offended party may kill the offender with a bow and arrow or by any means within his power. However, such penalty seldom happens as they try to avoid committing the offense.

In seeking grievances, the offended party informs the sultan or datu of the place where the offender resides where he committed the offense. The sultan or datu asks the presence of the offender and verifies the complaint and its nature. He will call the parents of the offender, ask them to help settle the matter in an amicable atmosphere, and then imposes the sanction on the offender.

If the offender resides in a place other than where the offense occurred, the datu where the offended party resides informs the offender about the complaint. The two datus of both places will sit down in an antang-antang (conference) in the presence of both parties to discuss and resolve the matter at hand. At times, the Datu of the place where the offender resides takes into custody the offender for his safety.

They do not bring this matter to the attention of the civil authorities composed mostly of Christian settlers, unless one of the parties is a non-Manobo. In a Manobo-Christian conflict, the judicial system of the Christian may apply, as the Christian may not subscribe to the Manobo judicial system.

Beliefs and Practices of the Dulangan Manobo

(Blogger’s note: The following is an excerpt from Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao, specifically pp. 112–14. The publishers welcome and even encourage the reproduction of the book in part or in its entirety, so I am posting this excerpt here without prior permission. Not a single word has been changed, and the style of the text as they appear on the book has been preserved. For citation details about the book, see Webliography.)

Datu Tunas Kulam of Lebak Sultan Kudarat says that the Dulangan Manobos believe in a Supreme God who created all things including man. This god is called Namula. There are other gods besides Namula: the effi, who are good supernaturals and the owners of the forests, the Babae Pongalubing, the Babae Bugkoglukos, the Kabingebinge, the busao—all of whom are allegedly evil by nature. They all inhabit the earth, except for Namula who inhabits the sky.

The gods communicate with mortal men through dreams, although some special people have been endowed with gifts for communicating with the gods. These are the balyan. (Gloria, 1997, p. 170–2)

Unlike the clans in Lebak, the Manobos of Kulaman are not familiar with the above facts on Manobo gods, and may have lost track of their ancient beliefs. This may be due to their long contact with the Christian settlers in the municipality or with their loss of contact with other Manobos in nearby municipalities such as Lebak.

Unlike many Lumads, the Manobos believe in the existence of the soul and of life after death. They believe that the good souls pass through a narrow path guarded by a deity called Boy Baya who guides the soul to a place of eternal happiness.

The bad soul, will pass though a wider path guarded by Datu Pangading, the equivalent to Satan who guides the soul to an evil place called Bop Mlow. This place has eternal boiling water that torments the bad souls.

The Manobos of Sitio Bagsing, Baranagay Gapok, Kulaman, Sultan Kudarat cling to their old customs and traditions. They still believe that good souls go on to Baya, while the bad ones to Moyar Kling or Afitan (hell). They have no deity to pray to and they live by the basic moral code of not doing evil to their fellow Lumads.

The natives consider most caves (Takob or Ilib) as sacred grounds. They believe that a deity named Batua (king of fairies) guard these caves. Noted caves are Makyumang in Barangay Bulalawan and the Ilib Masabak.

The Kulaman burial practice is done by storing their dead in a hollow trunk of a tree. They scoop away the middle portion where they deposit the body. The other half covers the corpse. Pasting the joints with camote tops and ashes prevent the foul smell from leaking. A future burial may be done after several weeks, months or even years. Often, mass burial of a dozen or more bodies at the same time and in the same grave takes place.

Such burials have now become an occasion to hold a long celebration by the community. Playing musical instruments, dancing, singing, and even gambling, cockfighting and drinking take place in the celebration. The gambling may be an occasion to raise funds to cover the expenses of the gathering. The celebration may last for a week or a month depending on the wishes of the dead person’s relatives and on the reputation of the dead.

It is noteworthy that the Manobos do not even pray for the repose of the soul of the dead as Christians do. They assume that the soul goes either to Boy Baya where the good souls go or to Bop Mlow, the domain of the bad soul. The destination depends on how the people lived while on earth.

In contemporary times, some barangay or sitio residents bury their dead in the site chosen for the purpose by the sitio or barangay officials, obviously an influence of the Christian practice. Still some others bury their dead in a day or two, in the same site where the person dies. A makeshift box serves as coffin. Among economically distressed families, wrapping the dead with an ordinary mat will do.

The Manobos of Baranagay Sewod still practice their ancient customs and traditions. They still keep their dead in hollow trunks of trees and keep them there for a long time before burying them.

Traditional healing sessions are customarily practiced not only among Dulangan Manobos but among other tribes all over Mindanao. These consist of a preparation of a local concoction of rice and egg placed inside a bowl, known as langa. The lukes recite prayers before incense and ask the deities for the quick recovery of an ailing individual.

The Dulangan Manobos of Lebak worship a pantheon of deities and perform rituals based on their beliefs. They believe in Namola as the supreme deity who created the earth. Deities are guardian spirits of the essential elements on earth to which the natives can relate.

Kinship and Social Ties of the Dulangan Manobo

(Blogger’s note: The following is an excerpt from Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao, specifically pp. 111–12. The publishers welcome and even encourage the reproduction of the book in part or in its entirety, so I am posting this excerpt here without prior permission. Not a single word has been changed, and the style of the text as they appear on the book has been preserved. For citation details about the book, see Webliography.)

Marital arrangements among the Kulaman Manobos are similar to those of other Lumad and Moro tribes, but they mostly differ in wedding rite practices.

The Kulaman Dulangan Manobo parents arrange the future marital alliances of the offspring—be they adolescents or as young as five years old. They may pair a little girl with an older male, married or unmarried. This explains why Manobas hardly reach fourth year high school, if they ever go to school. Many times, girls simply drop school in the middle of their second year to marry their betrothed.

A balyan or a datu traditionally officiates the wedding. Today, however, with the balyan getting less recognized and functional, marriages are commonly officiated by the datu. The datu also acts as an antang-antang for the setting of the dowry consisting of a few heads of horses, carabaos, agongs, kampilan, spears, and a mosquito net. The number of items depends on the capacity of the groom’s party to pay.

The datu or some relatives of the groom may offer to give items that the groom’s family can not afford. The groom becomes indebted to both the datu and the relatives and promises to pay in the future. Otherwise, he volunteers to perform tasks in the household of his patrons until he pays the debt.

In a wedding ceremony, a mast is spread in the center of the room. The bride and groom sit on pillows set facing each other. In the corner of the mat they put food in two plates. The groom gets a small quantity of food from the plate and offers it to the bride, then the bride does her turn. Finally, the balyan or the datu lightly holds their heads and lets their foreheads touch a number of times, signifying oneness. The ceremony ends with the balyan’s blessings for the couple.

The bride’s family, with help from the groom’s party, prepares the food for the reception. The menu generally consists of chicken and pork. When wild pigs were abundant, this was a special offering. The servers offer food to the datu or the balyan first, then to the newly wedded couple, and finally to the guests.

The Lebak Dulangan Manobo parents also arrange the marriages of their children. Even at an early age, engagement follows an agreement between parents. A common practice of arranging marriages involves the offering of Sunggod (bride price or dowry) which both parents settle before the engagement of the couple.

Parents usually negotiate for seven items as bride price, and the groom must agree to give them the items. These usually consist of musical instruments such as an agong, working animals such as a horse, weapons such as kris, patakya, bangkong, tabas, panan, and other treasures.

An engaged girl must not allow courtship from another man as the parents prepare for the eventual wedding of the engaged couple. If an engaged individual dies, the family provides for a substitute. Substitute marriage is still prevalent among the Lebak Dulangan Manobo.

As a tradition, the Lukes (elders) or a known Datu solemnizes the marriage. A simple ceremony includes feeding one another from a single plate and drinking from a single cup while kneeling on a mat. After some incantations, the ritual ends. Often, the couple holds the wedding rite at the bride’s place. After the wedding, the newlywed transfers to the house of the groom where they will eventually settle with the groom’s relatives.

Kinship institution in Dulangan Manobo society is extremely close and nuclear. A basic family consists of the mother, father and children, with elders often living with them. Extended families evolve as a married couple starts to establish their own family and live independently from other parents.

Inter-marriage among clans is also the basis of an extended family set-up. It also became the vital factor in strengthening and consolidating the integrity of the clan and community. In most cases, they settle conflicts between clans by marrying their respective children.

Art and Culture of the Dulangan Manobo

(Blogger’s note: The following is an excerpt from Defending the Land: Lumad and Moro People’s Struggle for Ancestral Domain in Mindanao, specifically pp. 109–10. The publishers welcome and even encourage the reproduction of the book in part or in its entirety, so I am posting this excerpt here without prior permission. Not a single word has been changed, and the style of the text as they appear on the book has been preserved. For complete citation, please see Webliography.)

The Manobos of Kulaman do not normally wear their tribal costumes and adornments in their daily undertakings. They only wear these during special occasions and gatherings.

In their traditional wear, the Dulangan Manobas of Kulaman don a saya, often a patadyong, and a long sleeved figure hugging V-necklined blouse called kawal. They only wear an occasional bracelet, ligti, which they secure from the nearby T’boli villages. They adorn their necks with beads, in single or several layers, that they learn to make themselves. Some Manobo women are able to purchase more intricate necklaces from department stores in nearby semi-urban centers.

Betel chewing Manobas sling on their shoulders a small rectangular shaped cloth bag called solok, measuring 4 inches by 6 inches, containing the ingredients for chewing. They may also wear sigkil (anklets) on their legs. The males have similar cloth bags called fuyot, usually colored blue, and larger than the women’s solok. They sling this around their forehead even in plowing the field, to reach out to while resting from the task.

The datu has several rows of earrings called tunggal, some reaching the upper section of the earlobes. Many of the present day datus have stopped wearing this, probably influenced by the Christians who see this as an unusual sight.

The older datus wear their hair long and tie it into a bun, while younger generations of datus have shorter hair. The datus also wear a long sleeved shirt called kawal; the short sleeved shirt they call fotok.

One distinctive feature of the adult Manobo is the ever present tattoo on parts of their bodies, the most noticeable being those on the wrists or on the legs. There may also be tattoos on their waists or around their nipples, on both men and women.

The tattoo may be any design in accordance with the tattoo artist’s conception, ranging from connecting squares or rectangles to more elaborate ones. It is said to serve as an indication of their noble aspirations of keeping to the right path in their journey through life, a path that will lead them to a place called Baya, equivalent to the Christian’s heaven.

During the Spanish times, tattoos were done purely for ornamentation purposes, but later, this was utilized as form of identification to protect victims of kidnapping for slavery. When a victim was captured, it was customary to change the name as often as the victim was sold or resold. The only manner to identify said captive was by his tattoo marks on some parts of his body.

The Manobos of Kulaman have similar tattoo marks, no longer as indications of slavery, but now with purely spiritual intentions, as some kind of guidance to the other world, the baya. Children do not have tattoos on any part of their bodies.